Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

6. Nicolae Iorga, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches nach den Quellen
dargestellt, 5 vols. (Gotha, 1908-13). An uncritical but accurate overview is
given by M. M. Alexandrescu-Dersca [Bulgaru] in two versions: "N. Iorga,
historien de l'empire ottoman," Balcania 6 (1943):101-22; and Nicolae Iorga — A
Romanian Historian of the Ottoman Empire (Bucharest, 1972).
7. To begin his analytical chapter ( Geschichte, 1:456) Iorga wrote, for
instance:
Um die Entwicklung des osmanischen Reiches zu verstehen, um sich yon den
Ursachen des schwachen christlichen Verteidigung, der grossen Anzahl der
Renegaten, der Bereitwilligkeit so vieler christlicher Völkerschaften, das
türkische "Joch" auf sich zu nehmen, von der ausserordentlichen Seltenheit der
Aufstände — gab doch eine einmal eroberte Stadt niemals Zeichen der
Unzufriedenheit mit ihrem Lose, und während all der grossen Kriegszüge der
Franken und Ungarn schloss sich unter dem Zeichen des Kreuzes kommenden Gästen
nirgend ein irgendwie beträchtlicheres Kontingent einheimischer Bauern an, um am
heiligen Werke der "Befreiung" teilzunehmen — , um sich yon all dem Rechenschaft
zu geben, ist es erforderlich, sich die wahren Eigenschaften der Osmanen und ihr
wirkliches Leben klarzumachen.
8. H.A. Gibbons, The Foundation of the Ottoman Empire (Oxford, 1916).
9. The Turkish Letters of Ogier Ghislein de Busbecq, E. S. Forster (Oxford,
1927), 55; Gibbons, Foundation, 50.
10. Gibbons, Foundation, 51.
11. Todorov rightly points out the genealogy of this view, from Hammer through
Iorga to Grousset, though it had never been expressed so strongly. See Balkan
City, 46.
12. Gibbons, Foundation, 75. Gibbons was not any milder on "degenerate"
Byzantines approaching the end of their empire. He continued on the same page:
"But when we compare the early Osmanlis with the Byzantines ... it is the
Osmanlis who must be pronounced the fittest. They were fresh, enthusiastic,
uncontaminated, energetic. They had ideals; they had a goal."
13. C. Diehl, Byzantium: Greatness and Decline, trans. N. Walford (New
Brunswick, N.J., 1957), 290. The original French version was published in 1926.
14. N. Iorga, Byzance après Byzance: Continuation del' "Histoire de la vie
byzantine" (Bucharest, 1935). Also see his Histoire de la vie byzantine
(Bucharest, 1934), 3:159-60. All this is tied, naturally, to the claim that the
Ottomans did not have the requisite "forms of life" ( Lebensformen or formes de
vie in the languages used by Iorga, key concepts in his understanding of
history) for the establishment of an empire. See idem, Geschichte des
osmanischen Reiches (Gotha, 1908), 1:264.
15. Friedrich Giese, "Das Problem der Entstehung des osmanischen Reiches,"
Zeitschrift für Semitistik und verwandte Gebiete 2 (1924):246-71.
16. J.H. Kramers, "Wer war Osman?" Acta Orientalia 6(1928):242-54.
17. William L. Langer and Robert P. Blake, "The Rise of the Ottoman Turks and
Its Historical Background," American Historical Review 37(1932):468-505; the
citations are from pp. 497 and 504.
18. Köprülü, Les origines de l'empire ottoman . A Turkish edition, with some
minor changes and a new introduction by the author, was published in 1959:
Osmanli Imparatorlugunun * Kurulusu * (Ankara). An annotated English translation
of that edition has appeared as The Origins of the Ottoman Empire, trans. and
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