Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

though Giese's theory is farfetched, it is clear on the basis of the documents
edited by Barkan and Meriçli that several grants were made to ahis * by the begs
of the fourteenth century, including those of the Ottoman family. The precise
contribution of the ahis * to the Ottoman enterprise remains to be assessed but
it cannot be ignored. Many of these documents were already known and used by E.
H. Ayverdi, Osmanli Mi'mârîsinin Ilk * Devri , 8.
27. Zachariadou, "Pachymeres on the 'Amourioi' of Kastamonu."
28. Ibid., 70.
29. See E. Zachariadou, "Notes sur la population de l'Asie Mineure torque au
XIVe siècle," Byzantinische Forschungen 12 (1987):224.
30. See Togan, Umumî Türk Tarihi'ne Giris * , 323.
31. The geographical setting of Sogut * is exhaustively analyzed by Clive Foss,
unpublished paper. I am grateful to the author for enabling me to make use of
this important study. The location alongside a major highway should also be seen
in terms of the larger picture of thriving commerce in and around Asia Minor, as
mentioned above in the Introduction. In general, the specific material
conditions on the ground — not the main concern of this book — in Bithynia as
compared to other parts of the peninsula should be studied much more carefully
in order to assess the advantages and potential of different principalities. To
what extent did different agricultural activities continue? What kind and level
of an interface between pastoralist and agrarian activities can be observed in
different parts of Asia Minor? Foss makes an exemplary attempt, in the same
unpublished paper, to draw some answers to such questions from a late
thirteenth-century endowment deed, for instance. Many other documents of the
same sort need to be analyzed, and Byzantine sources brought into the picture.
On the ebb and flow as well as the changing nature of productive activity in
medieval Anatolia, also see Hendy, Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy.
Akdag's * Turkiye'nin Iktisadi * ve Ictimai * Tarihi is also useful. Begs
benefited from such activity in terms of both revenue and booty, of course;
their success must have depended, to some extent, on finding the right mixture.
For a general look at the sources of wealth for the principalities, see E.
Zachariadou, "S'enrichir en Asie Mineure au XIVe siècle," Hommes et richesses
dans l'empire byzantin, vol. 2: VIIIe-XVe siècle, ed. V. Kravari et al. (Paris,
1991), 215-24. Important information on revenues in Anatolia in the first half
of the fourteenth century was discovered in sources concerning Ilkhanid finances
by A. Zeki Velidî [Togan], "Mogollar Devrinde Anadolu'nun Iktisadi * Vaziyeti,"
Tüurk Hukuk ve Iktisat * Tarihi Mecmuasi 1(1931):1-42.
32. Apz, ed. Giese, 19. One of the manuscripts used by Atsiz adds that people of
other regions came to Osman's domains upon hearing of the "comfort of the
infidels here [in Osman's realm]" (102).
33. See Bayburt Kanunnâmesi, ed. Leyla Karahan (Ankara, 1990), 16.
34. Tuncer Baykara, "Denizli'de Yeni Bulunan Iki * Kitâbe," Belleten 33 (1969):
159-62. Also see idem, Aydinoglu * Gazi Umur Bey (Ankara, 1990), 20-21.
35. See, for instance, the interpretation of a dream attributed to Muhammad *
al-Qa'im * , the founder of the Sa`dian dynasty of Morocco, who competed with
the Ottomans in the midsixteenth century, in Dahiru Yahya, Morocco in the
Sixteenth Century (Atlantic Highlands, N.J., 1981), 5.
36. On dreams of sovereignty as compacts, see Roy Mottahedeh, Loyalty and
Leadership in an Early Islamic Society (Princeton, 1980), 69-70.
165