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Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

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origins might well serve as a metaphor for all kinds of social ambiguities other<br />

than or in addition to an ethnic one, which has been the sole focus in<br />

literalist readings of historicist folklore.[63] That the soiled and the sacred,<br />

the two faces of what lies beyond the normal, are related to one another must be<br />

obvious to readers of Mary Douglas, the anthropologist, or of La dame aux<br />

camélias , the novel; hence the attributes of impurity and ambiguity can express<br />

sacredness embodied in a Digenis or in Danismend's companions. While the<br />

preceding interpretation of the frontier legends is not meant to provide the<br />

only or the most privileged reading, I would still maintain that the selection<br />

of ethnic fluidity as a meaningful and popular metaphor for social ambiguity in<br />

medieval Anatolia cannot have been totally arbitrary.<br />

In addition to the plasticity of identities in frontier environments, we must<br />

note the possibility of cooperative ventures by people of different identities<br />

at any given moment even if those identities may be seen to be engaged in a<br />

conflict in a larger setting. In fact, contrary to modem scholars' arguments as<br />

to the incompatibility of the gaza spirit and cooperation with or toleration of<br />

infidels, the congruity of these two allegedly disharmonious attitudes appears<br />

to be a topos in frontier literature which reveals an essential point concerning<br />

the gaza spirit: it is, among other things, an attempt to gain hearts and minds;<br />

it is always possible that the pure-hearted infidel will join your fold. He or<br />

she is not necessarily an enemy to the bitter end.<br />

Numerous examples of such collaboration — real or metaphorical or both — occur<br />

in gaza narratives. I have already mentioned the case of Köse Mihal and Osman as<br />

well as the one of Umur Beg and Kantakouzenos. Wittek, too, explicitly noted the<br />

possibility of cooperative under-<br />

― 83 ―<br />

takings, such as the one between a certain Nicetas the Greek and a Saladinus ca.<br />

1278 on the Carla coast.[64] Even in gazavatnames produced much more<br />

self-consciously and knowledgeably in later orthodox environments, to develop a<br />

friendly relation with an infidel was not frowned upon. In the gests of<br />

Hayreddin Pasa (Barbarossa), grand admiral of Suleyman the Magnificent, for<br />

instance, the gazi seaman captures a large number of Christian ships and their<br />

captains, including the renowned Captain Ferando. When he sees that the brave<br />

infidel is wounded, the pasha orders that "a building in the palace complex [of<br />

Algiers] be vacated and reserved for Ferando and that surgeons visit him and<br />

serve him all day" until he is cured.[65]<br />

A late-seventeenth-century novella of the Mediterranean corsairs shows how<br />

exigencies could render the transition from Christian-Muslim cooperation to the<br />

championing of Muslim faith abrupt yet relatively unproblematic[66] .The author<br />

tells us that he and some other Muslims were captured by Christian corsairs<br />

while traveling from Alexandria to Istanbul. In a most surprising narrative<br />

twist, the warden of the corsair ship turns out to be the protagonist of the<br />

story; he delivers the Muslims from captivity and leads them, along with some of<br />

his "infidel" shipmates, to glorious and gainful adventures on the seas. As a<br />

group, the Christian sailors, including the warden, are referred to as "dirty<br />

infidels"; the world is divided into "us" and "them" in a confrontational<br />

75

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