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Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

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least recognized an intermediate category of heterodox Islam, in which they<br />

placed (not necessarily with analytical rigor as we shall see in later chapters)<br />

what they believed to be the uncanonical practices of Turco-Muslim tribes and<br />

warriors of the medieval Anatolian frontiers. The critics of the gaza thesis, on<br />

the other hand, are ready to take on more-inquisitorial roles and to pass<br />

sentences or moral judgments on the early Ottomans for not being Muslim<br />

enough.[59]<br />

After mentioning the participation of Christian forces of Balkan vassals in<br />

Ottoman campaigns, even against Muslim foes, Jennings writes that "using<br />

Christian soldiers along with Muslim ones on campaign violates almost everyone's<br />

standard of a holy war, and leading Christian soldiers against Muslim ones is<br />

reprehensible." Or again, "it is hard to imagine how any Muslims who operated in<br />

those ways could be esteemed as gazis by Muslims who have any profound knowledge<br />

of their own faith."[60] But all of the later Ottoman authors, who were to some<br />

extent aware of these particular ways in which the early Ottomans oper-<br />

― 53 ―<br />

ated, who are in fact the sources of much of the information used by Jennings,<br />

esteemed the builders of their state as gazis. Did they all lack "profound<br />

knowledge of their own faith"?<br />

Among the "reasons for hypothesizing that Ertughrul and his sons were only<br />

loosely attached to Islam," Káldy-Nagy refers (among other things, which he<br />

treats less systematically) to the fact that all of the family members and<br />

associated warriors of the generations of Ertogril and Osman have Turkic<br />

names.[61] Naming practices and changes in that sphere are certainly relevant<br />

for understanding the cultural orientation of the people involved, and the clear<br />

reversal of preference from Turkic to Arabic-Muslim names needs to be noted and<br />

understood, but it is not necessarily a criterion to gauge the depth of a<br />

person's "religious commitment" as Káldy-Nagy argues. There are many reasons why<br />

Mamluk rulers of Egypt, for instance, kept their Turkic names, and lack of<br />

religious commitment can hardly be one of them.[62]<br />

In this respect, the most radical position is taken by Lindner, who is nearly<br />

ready to act like an Inquisitor and excommunicate the early Ottomans.<br />

Considering some examples of what he considers to be pre-Islamic beliefs and<br />

attitudes among the early Ottomans, for instance, he concludes that they may<br />

have been "crusaders for shamanism rather than for Islam." On another occasion,<br />

after citing some unorthodox beliefs or practices of early Ottomans to disprove<br />

once again the existence of "single-minded Muslim zeal," he decides to "leave<br />

aside the interesting possibility that Osman and his comrades were holy warriors<br />

in another just cause, that of shamanism."[63] But those early Ottomans, if they<br />

were crusaders of anything, must surely be allowed to have been crusaders of<br />

what they thought to be Islam. Some of their beliefs may have been contradictory<br />

to an assumed essence of Islam, but there is nothing we can do about the fact<br />

that the people of the marches, including the early Ottomans, chose to retain<br />

several of their "shamanistic" notions or, rather, to redefine them within a<br />

syncretistic understanding of Islam. A similar convergence of "heterodoxy" and<br />

gazi spirit is observed in many other frontier circumstances; it is noted, for<br />

51

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