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Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

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Obviously the gaza thesis was much more flexible than its critics made it out to<br />

be. It could be incorporated, as Inalcik did in his article mentioned above,<br />

into a matrix of factors that included material ones even if Wittek himself<br />

seemed reluctant to do so. After an outline of the migrations of Turcoman tribes<br />

to western Anatolia that created a "great demographic potential and a heightened<br />

Holy War ideology," Inalcik writes that<br />

a thrust by this explosive frontier society... was accomplished in the<br />

following stages: 1) it began with the seasonal movements of the Turcoman<br />

nomadic groups into the Byzantine coastal plains; 2) it was intensified by the<br />

organization of small raiding groups under ghazi leaders, mostly of tribal<br />

origin, for booty raids or for employment as mercenaries; 3) it continued with<br />

the emergence of successful leaders capable of bringing together under their<br />

clientship local chiefs to conquer and then establish beyliks<br />

(principalities)...; 4) with the involvement of these ghazi-beyliks, with<br />

their definite political and economic aims, in the regional struggle for<br />

supremacy in the Aegean and in the Balkans.<br />

He still refers to gazi bands but calls them "ghazi-mercenary bands," for whom,<br />

due to "the generally rising prices of slaves... enslavement of the neighborhood<br />

'infidels' became a most profitable business as well as a 'pious' act."[73] This<br />

was an account that tried to maintain a balance, or rather to argue for an<br />

interdependency, between the material and ideo-<br />

― 59 ―<br />

logical factors whereby the "Holy War ideology, as much as the success of the<br />

actual raids, reinforced ties within the [gazi-mercenary] band to produce a<br />

cohesive social group centered around the leader."[74]<br />

On that basis, we can proceed to our tour of the medieval Anatolian sources that<br />

have a direct bearing on the ethos of the frontier warriors and the early<br />

Ottomans.<br />

― 60 ―<br />

Chapter 2<br />

The Sources<br />

There is not one incontrovertibly authentic written document from Osman's days<br />

as a beg.[1] And that is only appropriate for a chief who, when asked by a<br />

dervish for a document to confirm the granting of a village as freehold, is<br />

reported to have replied: "You ask me for a piece of paper as if I [knew how to<br />

] write. Here, I have a sword left from my forefathers. Let me give that to you.<br />

And I will also give you a cup. Let them both remain in your hands. And let them<br />

[who come after you] preserve these tokens. And if God Almighty endorses my bid<br />

for this service [of rulership], let my descendants observe that token and<br />

certify it." Relating this legend in the late fifteenth century, the chronicler<br />

Apz, himself a dervish, hastens to add that the sword is still in the hands of<br />

the holy man's offspring and that it is visited by every new ruler. We have,<br />

unfortunately, no extant sword that qualifies or any reliable records of its<br />

56

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