Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

71. Galatariotou, "Structural Oppositions" For a balanced discussion of raiding
economy, the claim of operating for the sake of one's faith, and an honor code
all working together in another environment, see C. W. Bracewell, The Uskoks of
Senj: Piracy, Banditry, and Holy War in the Sixteenth-Century Adriatic (Ithaca,
1992).
72. "The enemy thus in Digenes is not the Arab for the Byzantine, nor the
Byzantine for the Arab. The people whom Digenes consistently puts down are
coloured neither by race nor by creed, but by their contempt for the unwritten
rules of the code of honour. Such is Digenes' conflict with the apelatai. The
apelarai are the main villains of the story" (Galatariotou, "Structural
Oppositions," 48). On who the apelatai may have been, see ibid.
73. Ahmad * Ibn `Arabshah * , Tamerlane, or Timur the Great Amir, trans. J. H.
Sanders (London, 1936), 201.
74. Galatariotou, "Structural Oppositions" 44-45.
75. Cited in Tekin, "XIVüncü Yüzyila Ait Bir Ilm-i * Hâl," 286.
76. See section edited by Tekin in "XIV. Yüzyilda Yazilmis * Gazilik Tarikasi,"
162. This situation was not necessarily hypothetical. Pachymeres, the Byzantine
chronicler, for instance, writes that some of the Byzantine soldiers in the
district of Nicaea served the Turks as guides when their tax exemptions were
abolished by the emperor after the seat of government moved back to
Constantinople (cited in Inalcik * , "Siege of Nicaea," OE, 79). Notwithstanding
its negative moral connotation, the fact that mudara * (feigned peace) was a
legally sanctioned category of behavior vis-à-vis infidels must have provided
Muslim frontier warriors with some flexibility even when they needed or wanted
to be canonically correct. On this notion, see H. J. Kissling,
Rechtsproblematiken in den christlich-muslimischen Beziehungen, vorab im
Zeitalter der Türkenkriege (Graz, 1974). Moreover, this was not the only
relevant category; on istimalet * (conciliatory policy), see Inalcik * ,
"Methods of Conquest"
77. For the efficacy of this argument, see Vryonis, Decline of Medieval
Hellenism , 435. Based on a critical survey of some late Byzantine
hagiographies, Zachariadou concludes (in a paper delivered at Princeton
University in 1987) that churchmen were wary of this sentiment because it was
gaining currency and leading many Christians to convert to Islam.
78. Taskoprizade * , Al-Saka'ik * , 28-29.
79. Apz, ed. Giese, 9.
80. Ibid.
81. Related among the events of A.H. 139 in Baladhuri's * Kitab * Futuh *
al-Buldan * , trans. P. K. Hitti in The Origins of the Islamic State, 2 vols.
(1916; New York, 1968), 292.
82. Topkapi Palace Archives, E. 5584.
83. Cited in J. F. Richards, "Outflows of Precious Metals from Early Islamic
India," in Precious Metals in the Later Medieval and Early Modem Worlds, ed. J.
F. Richards (Durham, N.C., 1983), 195.
84. The same point has already been made by Ménage in "The Beginnings of Ottoman
Historiography; in The Historians of the Middle East, ed. B. Lewis and P. M.
Holt (London, 1962): "The fact that many campaigns are directed against Muslim
states is irrelevant, for these fellow-Muslims are regarded as hindering the
ghaza * " (177-78).
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