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Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

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whose establishment spelled the end of the Ottoman dynastic regime, is clear: in<br />

the "long durée" of Ottoman political history, the political tension of<br />

"Istanbul versus another city" represented a symbolically potent axis that<br />

defined different sociopolitical interests, preferences, and visions. In the<br />

Saltukname , we find the first occurrence of this axis (in the form of Istanbul<br />

versus Edirne), along whose lines a meaningful opposition to the central state<br />

can be identified.<br />

In the fifteenth century, this opposition came from the gazi circles of Rumelia<br />

because the definitive consolidation of Ottoman imperial policies after the<br />

conquest of Istanbul represented the final blow to their autonomy, which had<br />

been eroding since at least the 1370s. Some of the authors of that era who had<br />

been steeped in the gazi milieu and were able to understand their plight managed<br />

to convey their sense of resentment in an interconnected corpus of narratives,<br />

the Tevarih-i Al-i`Osman , which enables us to follow the history of the Ottoman<br />

dynasty as the increasing alienation of the ruler from the mores, customs, and<br />

lifestyle of an idealized frontier society of a bygone era.<br />

It would not be realistic to attempt an exhaustive account of the precise nature<br />

of the gasses' role in early Ottoman history and of their relations with other<br />

social groups such as the dervishes, the nomads, or<br />

― 150 ―<br />

the kapikulus . The main aim here has been to demonstrate the possibility of<br />

speaking of a gazi milieu in medieval Anatolia. The gazis are discernible as a<br />

specific social group during the first two centuries of Ottoman history.<br />

Whatever the significance of the role they played in the emergence of the<br />

Ottoman state, they were not imaginary creations of the Ottoman ulema as<br />

relentless fighters against the infidels. They represented a specific segment of<br />

the medieval Anatolian frontier society with their own customs and lore,<br />

interests and alliances, within a coalition that had so much success that it<br />

eventually devoured some of its members.<br />

Like so many other elements of that coalition, such as the pastoralist tribes<br />

and the eventually heterodox dervishes, the gazis, too, represented a concrete<br />

social group which was eventually left out of the ruling stratum as an imperial,<br />

centralized polity emerged under the leadership of the House of Osman, who had<br />

once been one of their kind, one of the gazi begs. An illustrative example of<br />

this change is the case of Mahaloglu `Ali Beg, sixteenth-century heir to a long<br />

and illustrious line of frontier lords, descendants of one of Osman's renowned<br />

fellow warriors, who was told to curtail his gaza activity according to the<br />

decisions of the Sublime Porte. Whereas a raid used to be a matter of local or<br />

regional proportions and of basically personal gain for a gazi in terms of its<br />

immediate consequences, it had by then become a matter in the realm of<br />

international Realpolitik. So, when Suleyman the Magnificent struck a peace<br />

treaty with the Habsburgs and intended to keep it, Mihaloglu was ordered to<br />

refrain from conducting raids into their territory. What that meant for the gazi<br />

is captured in a witty simile by Nihali , a kadi and a poet who was known as the<br />

Ca`fer of Galata because of his indulgence in wine, which often took him to the<br />

pubs in that part of Istanbul: "To give `Ali Beg [a commanders position in] an<br />

131

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