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Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

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the bourgeoisie simply by studying his or her postal address.<br />

In short, as defined by the critics of the gaza thesis, gazis are not historical<br />

entities but straw men relentlessly fighting for their lofty, untarnished<br />

ideals. It is not surprising that such men are to be found not as a real factor<br />

in early Ottoman history but simply as an ideological creation of later Ottoman<br />

historiography. The characteristics of social groups can be inferred not from a<br />

lexicographic definition of their titles, however, but from an interpretation of<br />

the sources describing their activities, relations to other social groups, and<br />

cultural characteristics as manifested in particular historical contexts.<br />

It is to those sources that we shall next turn to see how gaza and related<br />

notions were conceptualized by those who called themselves gazi and their<br />

supporters. It is surprising that no one, among either those who accept or those<br />

who reject the role of the gaza ethos in the construction of the Ottoman Empire,<br />

has yet attempted to investigate the nature of that ethos as a historical<br />

phenomenon on the basis of a close analysis of the sources narrating the deeds<br />

of the gazis. That is precisely what I will attempt to do in the next chapter.<br />

Before doing that, however, we should point out another major problem with the<br />

critique of the gaza thesis as it has been raised, namely, a confusion between a<br />

"motive force" and a "sufficient cause." Clearly, these are two different kinds<br />

of explanatory principles. Otherwise, all gazi principalities would be expected<br />

to form world empires. "If the ghazi spirit was so powerful among the<br />

Danishmendlis and Ottomans, why did this same zeal for the Holy War lead the<br />

Ottomans to success, while the Danishmendlis were somehow unable to defeat their<br />

enemies and even disappeared from power and influence in Anatolia after less<br />

than a century." Lindner asks: "if the ghazi spirit is to be the motive force<br />

that we have taken it to be, how could it lead to such discordant results?"[72]<br />

The question would have been valid only if the gazi spirit, or any other<br />

suggested motive force(s), had been presented as a sufficient<br />

― 58 ―<br />

cause to establish a world empire. However, Ottomanist scholars in search of the<br />

forces which propelled a small principality into a superpower, including Wittek,<br />

have always been eager to consider the specific circumstances which made the<br />

balance tip Osman's way, such as the peculiar advantage of the geographic<br />

location of his initial power base.<br />

A further comment needs to be made in relation to "causality" and cultural<br />

history. Cultural or intellectual history does not necessarily entail implicit<br />

causal assumptions. Through the delineation of an ethos or ideology in the<br />

sources relating to a certain milieu or class, one can identify the nature of<br />

that class, its interests, demands, and relations to other social groups. This<br />

does not necessarily lead to the conclusion that the actions of the members of<br />

that class were "fueled" by their "ideas"; one merely understands them better<br />

through an examination of their ideas. In this approach, cultural history is<br />

only an epistemological path and not a causal statement. The failure to<br />

appreciate properly the cultural traditions of the frontier society stems from a<br />

mechanistic attitude to cultural history, or from confusing an epistemological<br />

itinerary with an ontological one.<br />

55

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