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Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

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in a continuum with the fourteenth-century Persian chronicles of the Karamanids<br />

and of Kadi Burhaneddin * , who were, in many ways, more faithful to Seljuk<br />

traditions than the Ottomans ever were.<br />

103. This anonymous work is reproduced, apparently verbatim, in the Oxford<br />

Anonymous manuscript and (from the latter) in the Cihannuma * of Nesri * . See<br />

Inalcik * , "Rise of Ottoman Historiography" and Ménage, "Beginnings:<br />

104. First noted by A. Karahan, "XV. Yüzyil Osmanli Dinî Edebiyatinda Mesneviler<br />

ve Abdülvasî Çelebi'nin Halilnâme'si," Estratto dagli Atti del III Congresso di<br />

Studi Arabi e Islamici ... 1966 (Naples, 1967). The full text is given in Ayhan<br />

Guldas * , "Fetret Devri'ndeki Sehzadeler * Mücadelesini Anlatan Ilk * Manzum<br />

Vesika," Türk Dünyasi Arastirmalari * 72 (June 1991):99-110.<br />

105. E. H. Ayverdi, Osmanli Mi'mârîsinde Çelebi ve II. Sultan Murad Devri,<br />

806-855 (1403-1451) (Istanbul, 1972), 195-96. It is possible that he was simply<br />

enlarging or restoring (was it perhaps destroyed by Timur's forces?) a mosque<br />

built earlier by Orhan * , but Ertogril * was after all Orhan's * grandfather<br />

and the principality was small enough for Sogut * to be meaningful at that time.<br />

Mehmed * I's interest in Sogut * was the only occasion when Osman's descendants<br />

mined their attention to that little hometown of theirs in Anatolia until the<br />

eighteenth century.<br />

106. On these "calendars" see Osman Turan, ed., Istanbul'un Fethinden Önce<br />

Yazilmis * Takvimler (Ankara, 1954); Nihal Atsiz, ed., Osmanli Tarihine Ait<br />

Takvimler (Istanbul, 1961); V. L. Ménage, "The 'Annals of Murad * II,'" BSOAS<br />

39(1976):570-84.<br />

107. On the "imperial project" and its critique as embodied in Popular legends<br />

about the history of Constantinople and of the Hagia Sophia, see S. Yerasimos,<br />

La fondation de Constantinople et de Sainte-Sophie dans les traditions turques<br />

(Paris, 1990). Though my own understanding of the interrelationships of the<br />

fifteenth-century chronicles is somewhat different from that of Yerasimos, I<br />

agree with his general argument.<br />

108. The articles by Inalcik * and Ménage in Historians of the Middle East, ed.<br />

B. Lewis and E M. Holt (London, 1962), are indispensable beginnings for any work<br />

on early Ottoman historiography. While they deal primarily with the<br />

interrelationships of the early texts, these articles also contain many pointers<br />

about the politico-ideological context in which the chronicles must be<br />

understood. Also see Inalcik * , Fatih Devri Üzerinde Tetkikler ve Vesikalar<br />

(Ankara, 1954); and idem, "Mehmed * I," and "Murad * II," IA * , s.v. On the<br />

incorporation of various antinomian movements into the Bektasiyya * , see Irene<br />

Melikoff, Sur les traces du Soufisme turc (Istanbul, 1992); and Ahmet<br />

Karamustafa, God's Unruly Friends (Salt Lake City, 1994).<br />

109. Naturally, not all scholars fit into this neat bipolar schema, which<br />

nonetheless remains a useful and valid one for our discussion. Exceptions will<br />

be mentioned in what follows.<br />

110. Lindner, Nomads and Ottomans, 19.<br />

111. This view of fifteenth-century Ottoman historiography, with the exception<br />

of the notion of tribalism, is shared by Gibbons, Arnakis, Káldy-Nagy, Jennings,<br />

Imber, and, to a large extent, Lindner.<br />

112. V. L. Ménage, "The Menaqib * of Yakhshi * Faqih * ," BSOAS 26(1963):50-54.<br />

113. Lindner, Nomads and Ottomans, 22.<br />

114. Inalcik * , Fatih Devri; and idem, "The Policy of Mehmed II towards the<br />

156

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