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Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

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Osman. Their resentment goes at least as far back as the third quarter of the<br />

fourteenth century when the Ottoman ruler not only appropriated their<br />

independently conquered areas in Thrace but also imposed a tax on their most<br />

important booty: slaves. The reign of Murad I (1362-89) represents a major<br />

turning point in the process of outgrowing the petty chiefdom of the frontier<br />

that the Ottoman principality had been until the middle of the century. The<br />

creation of two offices in particular signal that major developments toward<br />

statehood were under way.<br />

Murad was the one who appointed a kadi`asker for the first time.[52] This<br />

signifies that by then social stratification had crystallized to such a degree<br />

that it necessitated the recognition of a distinction between the `askeri<br />

(military-administrative) class and the rest of the society. While the creation<br />

of this new position could also be attributed to the belated arrival of the<br />

influence of traditions from previously established administrative centers (or,<br />

more specifically, of Seljuk institutions), the two explanations are not<br />

mutually exclusive.[53] The arrival and acceptance of a particular institution<br />

could only be possible when it made sense, when the development of the accepting<br />

society required or at least could comfortably accommodate that change. Through<br />

the appointment of a special judge for the `askeri class, Murad took an<br />

important step in the delineation of boundaries around the ruling class<br />

vis-à-vis the people (as well as himself?).<br />

It is again under Murad I that some warriors are appointed to be uc begleri<br />

(lords of the frontier) for the first time in the Ottoman principality.[54] This<br />

is significant first in terms of the sociopolitical differen-<br />

― 143 ―<br />

tiation it implies between a self-conscious central power and frontier warriors<br />

whose role is defined vis-à-vis and by the center. It is an announcement of the<br />

fact that the military-political elite was no longer a band of more or less<br />

equal warriors and of its corollary that the beg from the Ottoman family was<br />

claiming to be more than primus inter pares. That Murad I is reported to have<br />

been harsh enough to personally execute those pashas and begs who committed acts<br />

of disobedience against him but mellow toward those who showed due obedience and<br />

that he was the first to be given the lofty title of hunkar , or sultan, appear<br />

as more than idiosyncratic character traits in this context.[55] In fact, this<br />

character portrait drawn of Murad reads like an encapsulation of the most basic<br />

elements of his reigns political history, which might be summarized as the<br />

elaboration of a sultanic attitude to governing. The appointment of begs of the<br />

frontiers also indicates the emergence of a schizoid mental topography in<br />

Ottoman political imagination in the same old pattern that divides the land<br />

between a core area (iç il ?) and an uc.<br />

Although the crisis of the 1370s was overcome, its legacy seems to have<br />

survived, and not only in the form of a cult built around its main protagonist.<br />

Thanks to Orhan Saik Gökyay's masterful demonstration, we now know that Sheikh<br />

Bedreddin , the "heretical" leader of perhaps the most significant, albeit<br />

failed, revolutionary movement in Ottoman history (1416), was the son of not the<br />

kadi but the gazi of Simavna.[56] This fits in nicely with the reports that<br />

125

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