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Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

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― 80 ―<br />

strategy?[57] In a world where any self-respecting polity of some scale could<br />

make claims to "world rule," does it make sense to expect people to operate with<br />

the concepts of defense and aggression as defined in a world of nation-states in<br />

"eternal" homelands with "inviolable" boundaries? Therefore, in the context of<br />

medieval Anatolian frontiers, a discussion of jihad as an offensive or defensive<br />

undertaking would be to some extent academic.<br />

Nevertheless, a difference between jihad and gaza was maintained whereby the<br />

latter term implied irregular raiding activity whose ultimate goal was (or at<br />

least the warriors and their supporters could imagine that it was) the expansion<br />

of the power of Islam. Gaza, after all, had the original sense only of a<br />

"predatory raid" or "excursion into foreign territory."[58] It is not at all<br />

certain when the word acquired an exclusively religious connotation or whether<br />

this semantic transformation was complete by the fourteenth century. Even then,<br />

gaza was a lesser category than jihad. Canonical works describe it as a lesser<br />

farz (religious duty); that is, contributing to it was not incumbent upon<br />

everyone in the Muslim community as was the case with jihad. The recently<br />

discovered codebook of fourteenth-century western Anatolia reveals that the same<br />

understanding prevailed in that environment.[59]<br />

The much more striking point that emerges from that codebook, however, is that<br />

gaza, even when defined legalistically, did not preclude certain practices that<br />

some modern scholars prohibit to the warriors of the faith. While delineating<br />

the rules for the distribution of the pot deriving from gaza, this treatise with<br />

no inhibitions mentions the "share of the infidels" in case the latter have<br />

contributed to the acquisition of booty.<br />

Naturally, the day-to-day business of the frontiers could not be expected to<br />

conform to most standards laid down in such codebooks even if the codes<br />

themselves were well known and had some pragmatism built into them. In fact,<br />

that must be the reason why works like this were produced; who would need<br />

codebooks if all the codes were internalized and applied? The actual behavior of<br />

the gaza-minded must be a combination of canonical codes that they were familiar<br />

with (not necessarily accurately, and primarily through oral transmission),<br />

emulation of examples known to them personally or through gazi lore, and various<br />

other considerations arising from the particular circumstances of the moment as<br />

well as shared norms of conduct such as honor and glory. These different<br />

elements may have contradicted one another at times, and a successful leader<br />

would probably be the one who would find<br />

― 81 ―<br />

the most appropriate resolution to such conflicts without ending up in failure<br />

or giving rise to questions of illegitimacy vis-à-vis his authority.<br />

It is difficult to imagine any ideological complex without potentially and, at<br />

times, actually conflicting norms. Is there not always a tension between<br />

principles of "individual freedoms" and "law and order," for instance, in modem<br />

73

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