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Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

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as they came out into the political arena with a bid for regional power, would<br />

be unaware of the language and code of the frontiers or that they would not<br />

couch their claims within those terms.<br />

Whether the early Ottomans belonged in that category or not, there dearly were<br />

warriors in Anatolia, as in many other regions of the medieval Islamic world,<br />

who claimed to be gazis fighting in the name of Islam. In the next chapter, we<br />

shall look at them more closely as a part of the historical reality of medieval<br />

Anatolia, as social types in a particular<br />

― 79 ―<br />

historical context. Here we must continue with our exploration of what gaza<br />

meant. What kind of a struggle did those warriors and their supporters imagine<br />

they were involved in?<br />

With respect to gaza, the first thing to be noted is that it is not synonymous<br />

with jihad even though all the scholars mentioned in the previous chapter use<br />

the two terms interchangeably or use one English term, "holy war," for both as<br />

if there were no appreciable difference. But there dearly was such a difference<br />

in both the popular imagination and in canonical works.[55] Whether one takes<br />

the position of a learned Muslim or a narrator of frontier lore, who may not<br />

have had a rigorous training (and his audience, I presume), these terms are not<br />

to be collapsed into one. The word "jihad" is rarely used in the frontier<br />

narratives analyzed above or in the early Ottoman chronicles to be analyzed<br />

below; the sources dearly maintained a distinction.<br />

Recent studies have pointed out that jihad should not be understood as incessant<br />

warfare to expand the abode of Islam or a mentality that recognizes a permanent<br />

state of war.[56] The assumption of perpetual hostility between the abode of<br />

Islam and the abode of war (which could better be translated as the abode of<br />

infidelity) and thus of a duty upon all Muslims to undertake incessant warfare<br />

upon non-Muslim lands is not valid. Such a view would be nothing more than a<br />

crude caricature of both the learned/centralist circles' notion and that of the<br />

frontier milieux. Accommodation was not necessarily outside the pale of Islamic<br />

"international law." It cannot be said that the frontier (and its conception of<br />

gaza or jihad) was inherently more or less accommodationist than the central<br />

powers; conflict arose between the two on this matter because the needs of<br />

warfare and accommodation did not always coincide in the two loci of decision<br />

making. By and large, however, the central powers were accommodationist more for<br />

historical reasons than for a priori ethical-political principles differing from<br />

those of the frontier.<br />

Furthermore, jihad is defined by most canonical sources as a war undertaken when<br />

the world of Islam or the peace of the umma is threatened. There is thus a<br />

defensive quality to it, which became more pronounced during the nineteenth<br />

century when colonialist European encroachments were met with movements in the<br />

name not of gaza but of jihad. Still, the discussion about jihad as an offensive<br />

or defensive war overlooks the fact that, at least in terms of military logic,<br />

it is not always easy to distinguish between the two. What about a "preemptive<br />

strike"? Is it offensive or defensive? Or, how should one deal with the dictum<br />

that "the best defense is offense"? Can offense be seen as a defensive<br />

72

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