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Between Two Worlds Kafadar.pdf

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`Arif Çelebi, the Mevlevi , released his extraordinary powers to blow away the<br />

tents in the camp of the Germiyanid beg, who busied himself with slaves while<br />

the Koran was being recited.[52] Ibn Battuta , the Moroccan traveler, was<br />

scandalized by the higher respect shown to a Jewish physician than to Muslim<br />

scholars in Aydinoglu's court in Birgi.[53] Still, the learned men evidently did<br />

not consider that the begs ought to be stripped of their rifles for such suspect<br />

behavior. After all, the rifle of gazi had appeared in far stranger places than<br />

next to the name of Aydinoglu Mehmed Beg or the 1337 inscription in allegedly<br />

preideological Ottoman Bursa. Melik Mugiseddin (Succorer of the Faith )<br />

Togrilsah (d. 1225), "son of the Seljuk Kilij Arslan II, who largely built the<br />

awesome walls of Bayburt in 1213 and... who had the misfortune of being prisoner<br />

and sort of vassal of first a Cilician Armenian king and then a Trapezuntine<br />

emperor, and whose son was baptised to marry a Georgian queen, evidently allowed<br />

(or even sponsored) the building of a surviving Orthodox church within his new<br />

citadel on whose walls he is still proclaimed a gazi."[54]<br />

None of these sources is directly related to the Ottomans. Neither the<br />

― 78 ―<br />

gazi lore nor the hagiographies mention Osman in any way that might be construed<br />

as direct historical evidence. The studies of the emirates begin to shed light<br />

on specific events of Ottoman history only during Orhan's reign. Could we, then,<br />

neglect these sources and focus our attention exclusively on hard evidence about<br />

Osman and about Bithynia during his lifetime?<br />

To answer this question affirmatively, we would have to assume that some of the<br />

nomadic groups in Anatolia, at least the one led by Osman, had none or only<br />

negligible cultural attachments and similarities to the rest of<br />

Anatolian-Turkish frontier society. There is no justification for such an<br />

assumption. The proto-Ottoman nomads may have been uncouth members of a crude<br />

milieu; to argue for the relevance of their Turco-Muslim identity does not<br />

necessarily entail their commitment to "lofty ideals" or their grounding in<br />

"untarnished Islam:' Still, it can reasonably be assumed that they had heard of<br />

the legendary exploits of Seyyid Battal Gazi or of Melik Danismend or that<br />

similar elements of the uc culture had touched them. Leaving aside "culture;'<br />

did no news reach them about the exploits of the Mentese warriors, for instance,<br />

about the Aegean adventures of the House of Aydin, or about the fabulous booty<br />

amassed by Gazi Çelebi of Sinop? Did they not hear that Aydinoglu Umur Begs ship<br />

was named "Gazi "?<br />

Or were none of these groups gazis either, because they, too, collaborated with<br />

the Byzantines or other Christian powers when such action looked desirable?<br />

Whatever our definition of gaza, it is obvious from the way these neighbors of<br />

Osman projected themselves in their titulature and inscriptions that they<br />

considered themselves, or at least thought they had a believable claim to being,<br />

gazis. Given that the Ottoman beglik engaged in competition with its<br />

Turco-Muslim as well as Byzantine neighbors from the outset, it is not<br />

surprising that the earliest document from that beglik should reflect its<br />

chief's claim to being the "champion of the faith." Even in the absence of<br />

written evidence, it can hardly be imagined that Osman and his warriors, as soon<br />

71

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