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Shelley<br />

In countries with less strict regulations over financial transactions, particularly in the<br />

developing world, profits from crime may be placed directly into investments in restaurants,<br />

hotels, and other commercial properties.<br />

Politically Exposed Persons (PEPS) represent a unique case and set of money-laundering<br />

patterns. According to the Wolfsberg Principles addressing money laundering, which were<br />

adopted by 11 global banks, PEPS are described as<br />

134<br />

persons who perform important public functions for a state. The definition used by<br />

regulators or in guidance is usually very general and leaves room for interpretation. For<br />

example the Swiss Federal Banking Commission in its guidelines on money laundering<br />

uses the term “person occupying an important public function,” the U.S. interagency<br />

guidance uses “senior foreign political figure” and the BIS paper Customer due diligence<br />

for banks says “potentates.”<br />

The term should be understood to include persons whose current or former position<br />

can attract publicity beyond the borders of the country concerned and whose financial<br />

circumstances may be the subject of additional public interest. In specific cases, local<br />

factors in the country concerned, such as the political and social environment, should<br />

be considered when deciding whether a person falls within the definition. 14<br />

A review of examples by the author as well as some of the analyses done by Global<br />

Witness 15 suggest that MLRE involving Politically Exposed Persons more frequently flows<br />

through banks than funds derived directly from criminal activity. Banks may be hesitant to<br />

reject the accounts of some Politically Exposed Persons when the political leaders of Western<br />

powers interact with those same political leaders. 16<br />

The Multiple Consequences of MLRE<br />

Money laundering into real estate differs from other forms of laundering activity. Especially<br />

in the residential real estate market, such activity can be a sign of “having made it.” This contrasts<br />

with other types of laundering which have a more utilitarian function—simply hiding<br />

capital. Therefore, this form of laundering has at least a dual purpose—cleaning the money<br />

and enjoying the proceeds of crime and corruption. But as will be discussed, it can serve other<br />

purposes by providing a base on which to mount operations, thereby compounding the harms<br />

of the initial criminal activity.<br />

Criminals show their success by buying valuable real estate—beautiful estates and villas<br />

as well as elegant and/or popular bars and nightclubs. 17 Criminological research as well as<br />

popular songs in the criminal culture, especially among Latin American crime groups, shows<br />

that visible signs of wealth serve as important tools for recruiting members into the criminal<br />

enterprise. Not surprisingly, this is especially true of impressionable youth. Real estate is one<br />

of these signs of success. Money laundering into ostentatious homes is a dramatic force for<br />

destabilization as it shows that leaders can enjoy the fruits of corruption. Popular anger and<br />

revulsion at the wealth and opulent homes of corrupt figures including political leaders can be

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