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How Illicit Networks Impact Sovereignty<br />

The “police” for the Zetas paramilitary cartel are so numerous here—upward of<br />

3,000, according to one estimate—that they far outnumber the official force, and their<br />

appearance further sets them apart. The omnipresent cartel spotters are one aspect of<br />

what experts describe as the emergence of virtual parallel governments in places like<br />

Nuevo Laredo and Ciudad Juarez—criminal groups that levy taxes, gather intelligence,<br />

muzzle the media, run businesses and impose a version of order that serves<br />

their criminal goals. 40<br />

As a consequence, “entire regions of Mexico are effectively controlled by nonstate actors,<br />

i.e., multipurpose criminal organizations,” according to Howard Campbell, an anthropologist<br />

and expert on drug cartels at the University of Texas at El Paso. “These criminal groups have<br />

morphed from being strictly drug cartels into a kind of alternative society and economy. . . .<br />

They are the dominant forces of coercion, tax the population, steal from or control utilities<br />

such as gasoline, sell their own products and are the ultimate decision-makers in the territories<br />

they control.” 41<br />

Narcocultura<br />

Narcocultura is a form of social-environmental modification. Specifically, alternative belief<br />

systems are exploited by gangs and cartels to alter primary loyalties and erode the authority<br />

and legitimacy of the state. Narcocultura is instrumental in reshaping sovereignty. By creating<br />

alternative identity narratives, illicit networks project their power and offer themselves as<br />

an alternative to traditional state structures. Myths, folk songs (narcocorridos), imagery, and<br />

identity symbols (including patrons, heroes, and saints) are used to bolster the legitimacy and<br />

influence of the TCOs and gangs.<br />

Guillermoprieta defines narcocultura as:<br />

The production of symbols, rituals and artifacts—slang, religious cults, music, consumer<br />

goods—that allow people involved in the drug trade to recognize themselves<br />

as part of a community, to establish a hierarchy in which the acts they are required to<br />

perform acquire positive value and to absorb the terror inherent in their line of work. 42<br />

According to Bunker and Bunker, social environmental modification is an element of<br />

nonstate warfare. “This warfare—manifesting itself in ‘criminal insurgencies’ derived from<br />

groups of gang, cartel, and mercenary networks—promotes new forms of state organization<br />

drawn from criminally based social and political norms and behaviors.” 43 Key elements of<br />

social/environmental modification by the aforementioned authors include alternative worship<br />

or veneration of “narco-saints,” symbolic violence (including beheadings and corpse messaging—attaching<br />

a message to a corpse), and the use of narcocorridos (epic folk songs) and social<br />

media to spread messages and confer legitimacy on a cartel.<br />

The mantle of “social bandit” confers legitimacy on the gangs’ or cartels’ actions within the<br />

community they by necessity dominate. 44 La Familia, Los Cabelleros Templarios, the Sinaloa<br />

Cartel, and even Los Zetas have embraced this role through skillful use of information<br />

179

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