convergence
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Williams<br />
era of state budgetary retrenchment, these alternative loyalties and the organizational forms<br />
that accompany them will become increasingly important. From the state perspective, this is<br />
a highly negative synergy.<br />
A closely related problem for the state is the rise of subnational and transnational challengers.<br />
In part this reflects the fact that many states have inadequate social control mechanisms<br />
and weak law enforcement and criminal justice systems. Yet there are other considerations<br />
that have also fed in to the rise of transnational criminal organizations. When states are<br />
failing or inadequate in terms of economic management and the provision of social welfare,<br />
the resulting functional holes create pressures and incentives for citizens to engage in criminal<br />
activities. Amid conditions of economic hardship, extralegal means of obtaining basic needs<br />
often become critical to survival. For countries in which there is no social safety net, resort to<br />
the informal economy and to illicit activities is a natural response of many citizens. From this<br />
perspective, the growth of organized crime and drug trafficking, along with the expansion<br />
of prostitution, can be understood as rational responses to dire economic conditions. Such<br />
activities are, in part, coping mechanisms in countries characterized by poverty, poor governance,<br />
and ineffective markets. Organized crime is a highly effective form of entrepreneurship,<br />
providing economic opportunities and multiplier benefits that would otherwise be absent in<br />
economies characterized by inadequate economic management. Illicit means of advancement<br />
offer opportunities that are simply not available in the licit economy. The difficulty, of course,<br />
is that the filling of functional spaces by organized crime exacerbates the weakness of the state.<br />
In contrast, the power of criminal organizations (along with that of clans, warlords, and<br />
ethnic factions) is increased by connections outside the state. According to Shultz and Dew,<br />
“One of the more disturbing trends of non-state armed groups is the extent to which such<br />
groups, including these clan-based groups, are cooperating and collaborating with each other<br />
in networks that span national borders and include fellow tribal groups, criminal groups, and<br />
corrupt political elements.” 71 Even where such collaboration does not occur, many criminal<br />
networks operate in a transnational manner, engaging in jurisdictional arbitrage both to<br />
maximize profits (selling illicit and trafficked commodities where the price is highest) and to<br />
minimize risk, often by operating de facto safe havens. Ironically, when necessary these groups<br />
use national sovereignty for defensive purpose even though their transnational (illicit) business<br />
activities trample all over sovereignty and respect for national borders.<br />
Consequences and Conclusions<br />
The preceding discussion makes it hard to avoid the conclusion that the four sets of drivers<br />
examined and elucidated are providing a “perfect storm” that could have profoundly unsettling<br />
implications for future security and stability. First, it is very akin to the “coming anarchy” that<br />
Robert Kaplan warned about in his seminal article in 1994. 72 Although most intelligence<br />
forecasts for the next several decades and beyond are deliberately nonalarmist and sometimes<br />
even bland in tone, there is an increasing recognition of the scope and severity of the challenges<br />
and the way in which they might interact. The interactions make each of the challenges less<br />
malleable. Wicked challenges become even more wicked when they intersect and overlap. As<br />
John Sullivan pointed out, the urban poor, for example, are likely to be the most significantly<br />
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