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The Illicit Supply Chain<br />
routes (both cash and product) between rival cartels. 38 Any progress law enforcement agencies<br />
make in targeting smuggling routes typically leads to increased competition—usually violent—among<br />
illicit networks for control over the remaining routes. Mexican illicit networks<br />
increasingly resort to military tactics, utilizing heavy weaponry such as sniper rifles, grenades,<br />
and rocket-propelled grenades in attacks on rival cartel members as well as government and<br />
law enforcement officials. 39<br />
Government and law enforcement officials are also increasingly being targeted in retaliatory<br />
killings. For example, in June 2009, 12 federal police agents were tortured and killed and<br />
their bodies dumped in retaliation after the Mexican police arrested a high-ranking member of<br />
a cartel. 40 Such activities demonstrate the lengths that illicit networks are willing to go to protect<br />
their market interests. When avoiding government detection is no longer an option, illicit<br />
networks openly challenge government efforts to contain them, as is occurring in Mexico today.<br />
Violence is not the only tactic utilized by Mexico illicit networks to protect the effectiveness<br />
of the supply chain. Another way they ensure their activities are successful is infiltrating<br />
and corrupting the government itself. Much of this corruption is still enforced by violence.<br />
Many customs agents may collaborate with these networks at the border out of fear for their<br />
safety. Network agents have also succeeded in infiltrating local law enforcement units. In 2010,<br />
the Mexican government dismissed 3,200 members of its police force (10 percent of the total)<br />
due to corruption-related concerns. 41 The city of Torreon fired 1,200 police officers in 2010<br />
once it was discovered that the city’s entire force had been infiltrated by cartels. According to<br />
Mayor Eduardo Olmos, cartel members “bribed, threatened and recruited [the police] and<br />
were able to use their radios, vehicles, weapons, bulletproof vests, everything. . . . The police<br />
relaxed their ethics and discipline and just gave in. In the end they weren’t working for them.<br />
They were them.” 42 The more powerful Mexican illicit networks have expanded their scope<br />
beyond drug trafficking. In recent years, cartels have increasingly engaged in human smuggling<br />
and trafficking, prostitution, and kidnapping. Such activities allow illicit networks not only<br />
to further utilize their existing drug trafficking supply chain but also to further increase their<br />
political influence as well as their profits.<br />
U.S. and Mexican law enforcement officials have observed that drug cartels are increasingly<br />
moving into human-smuggling operations, forcing immigrants to act as “mules” to transport<br />
drugs and cash proceeds across the border. 43 According to the United Nations Office<br />
on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) 2010 transnational crime threat assessment report, 90<br />
percent of migrants who are smuggled into the United States have the help of a professional<br />
smuggler. 44 While data are not available regarding the percentage of these migrants who are<br />
aided by cartels, the report notes that, since cartels control the majority of Mexican border<br />
towns, there is the high likelihood that a significant portion of these migrants must rely on<br />
the cartels to cross the border. Working with cartels, however, does not come without a price.<br />
Many illicit networks take advantage of the vulnerability of migrants by forcing them to work<br />
as a part of the drug-trafficking network. Even migrants who do not directly choose to work<br />
with the cartels may still find themselves the victims of cartel brutality. Approximately 18,000<br />
migrants are kidnapped each year with the aim of forcing them into servitude or extorting<br />
ransom payments from relatives. 45 When migrants do not comply with the cartels, they are<br />
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