Ternate - Smithsonian Institution Libraries
Ternate - Smithsonian Institution Libraries
Ternate - Smithsonian Institution Libraries
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TERNATE 63 TOPOGRAPHY AND TRAVEL DESCRIPTIONS<br />
no beach on this side because of the heavy wash of the waves which destroy everything<br />
during the west monsoon. On the much quieter eastern beach the Rhizophores thrive and<br />
help to form new islands. On that side one can find a mysterious cave, known as Liyang<br />
Sangsung after a creeper which winds inward into it. Tradition tells that a few people from<br />
Tahane who came to look for birds’ nests almost lost their lives in the dark passages of this<br />
cave.<br />
There are not many sago trees on Kayoa; there are a few in one place on the west<br />
coast, called Baku-Li because of that peculiarity, but they contain poor quality pith and<br />
only supply leaves for roofing. The island is rich in all kinds of good wood, however, and<br />
iron wood, gofasa, and lolaro wood are plentiful. 24 Although there are wild pigs here, many<br />
people from Makian have plantations because the land is less steep than on their own<br />
mountain. The mountain known as Likil is the highest, standing at a height of one<br />
thousand to twelve hundred feet. It lies approximately in the middle of the island, and is<br />
incorrectly called Sikil on van Musschenbroek’s map.<br />
The only anchoring ground is in the southwest near the sole [p. 96] kampong,<br />
Guruah Ping 25 (guruah means anchoring ground). An extensive reef protects the anchorage<br />
against wind-driven seawater. Sixty or so houses have been built on a rather small stretch<br />
of land—twenty of these have been built by the Bajos on piles over the water. These Bajos<br />
sometimes roam the sea for long periods of time; we have already met them at Sidangoli.<br />
There are about two hundred souls altogether, with a Sangaji as headman, assisted<br />
by a <strong>Ternate</strong>se Utusan. The population seems to be related to the people on East Makian<br />
since they speak the same language. 26 The kampong looks clean and good use has been<br />
made of the terrain to make a fairly even street; there is a stone mosque on the west end.<br />
During prolonged periods of drought there is a shortage of drinking water; the water drawn<br />
from plank-strutted wells is rather muddy and is only used in the kitchen. The swamp on<br />
the north side of the village is flooded at high tide and at such times there is nothing but<br />
seawater on all sides. Wallace says that there are plenty of tree melons (Carica Papaya) on<br />
kokoya mats after which the tree has sometimes been called; the second one is the buro-buro—the<br />
ordinary sleeping or sitting mats are plaited from its smaller leaves.<br />
24 [p. 95, n. 2] The foreign words used in the text all belong to the language of East Makian.<br />
The gofasa or baso wood can be differentiated into baso kamel and baso lalai. The latter is<br />
especially in demand for making proas and the posts of houses. There are also two kinds of iron<br />
wood, or towa wood: towa kom and towa langi. The first of these has a yellow alburnum.<br />
25 [p. 96, n. 1] Not Gurapingi, as given in van Musschenbroek (loc. cit., p. 25), and certainly not<br />
Goaripino, which van Musschenbroek says he learned locally (?) (TAG, p. 103). He could have<br />
avoided such errors had he asked one of the headmen to write down the name. Wallace (1870-1871,<br />
II:34) calls this the “most important” village: he does not seem to know that there are no other<br />
villages on Kayoa.<br />
26 [p. 96, n. 2] Nowhere is there any mention of a difference between the languages spoken on<br />
Makian, as mentioned by Wallace (1870-1871, II:38); the language is exactly the same everywhere.<br />
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