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Ternate - Smithsonian Institution Libraries

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TERNATE 63 TOPOGRAPHY AND TRAVEL DESCRIPTIONS<br />

no beach on this side because of the heavy wash of the waves which destroy everything<br />

during the west monsoon. On the much quieter eastern beach the Rhizophores thrive and<br />

help to form new islands. On that side one can find a mysterious cave, known as Liyang<br />

Sangsung after a creeper which winds inward into it. Tradition tells that a few people from<br />

Tahane who came to look for birds’ nests almost lost their lives in the dark passages of this<br />

cave.<br />

There are not many sago trees on Kayoa; there are a few in one place on the west<br />

coast, called Baku-Li because of that peculiarity, but they contain poor quality pith and<br />

only supply leaves for roofing. The island is rich in all kinds of good wood, however, and<br />

iron wood, gofasa, and lolaro wood are plentiful. 24 Although there are wild pigs here, many<br />

people from Makian have plantations because the land is less steep than on their own<br />

mountain. The mountain known as Likil is the highest, standing at a height of one<br />

thousand to twelve hundred feet. It lies approximately in the middle of the island, and is<br />

incorrectly called Sikil on van Musschenbroek’s map.<br />

The only anchoring ground is in the southwest near the sole [p. 96] kampong,<br />

Guruah Ping 25 (guruah means anchoring ground). An extensive reef protects the anchorage<br />

against wind-driven seawater. Sixty or so houses have been built on a rather small stretch<br />

of land—twenty of these have been built by the Bajos on piles over the water. These Bajos<br />

sometimes roam the sea for long periods of time; we have already met them at Sidangoli.<br />

There are about two hundred souls altogether, with a Sangaji as headman, assisted<br />

by a <strong>Ternate</strong>se Utusan. The population seems to be related to the people on East Makian<br />

since they speak the same language. 26 The kampong looks clean and good use has been<br />

made of the terrain to make a fairly even street; there is a stone mosque on the west end.<br />

During prolonged periods of drought there is a shortage of drinking water; the water drawn<br />

from plank-strutted wells is rather muddy and is only used in the kitchen. The swamp on<br />

the north side of the village is flooded at high tide and at such times there is nothing but<br />

seawater on all sides. Wallace says that there are plenty of tree melons (Carica Papaya) on<br />

kokoya mats after which the tree has sometimes been called; the second one is the buro-buro—the<br />

ordinary sleeping or sitting mats are plaited from its smaller leaves.<br />

24 [p. 95, n. 2] The foreign words used in the text all belong to the language of East Makian.<br />

The gofasa or baso wood can be differentiated into baso kamel and baso lalai. The latter is<br />

especially in demand for making proas and the posts of houses. There are also two kinds of iron<br />

wood, or towa wood: towa kom and towa langi. The first of these has a yellow alburnum.<br />

25 [p. 96, n. 1] Not Gurapingi, as given in van Musschenbroek (loc. cit., p. 25), and certainly not<br />

Goaripino, which van Musschenbroek says he learned locally (?) (TAG, p. 103). He could have<br />

avoided such errors had he asked one of the headmen to write down the name. Wallace (1870-1871,<br />

II:34) calls this the “most important” village: he does not seem to know that there are no other<br />

villages on Kayoa.<br />

26 [p. 96, n. 2] Nowhere is there any mention of a difference between the languages spoken on<br />

Makian, as mentioned by Wallace (1870-1871, II:38); the language is exactly the same everywhere.<br />

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION LIBRARIES DIGITAL EDITION

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