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Dictionary of Genocide - D Ank Unlimited

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nant and <strong>of</strong>fered them water, food, shelter, and protection from their abusers. To this day,<br />

bones <strong>of</strong> the Armenian victims can be found in the desert sands <strong>of</strong> Deir ez Zor. And to<br />

this day, the relatives <strong>of</strong> those Bedouins who reached out to help the Armenians are recognized<br />

for their altruism each year by the Armenian community <strong>of</strong> Syria, Lebanon, and<br />

those from further afield during the commemoration <strong>of</strong> the Armenian genocide.<br />

Dekulakization. Applied to independent, landowning peasants (who were commonly<br />

referred to as kulaks) by the Bolsheviks, dekulakization referred to the stripping <strong>of</strong> economic<br />

power from such peasants. From the start <strong>of</strong> the Bolshevik regime in October–November<br />

1917, the government <strong>of</strong> Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1870–1924) signaled its intention to<br />

destroy the kulaks as a class and to replace their independent status with a collectivized,<br />

communist structure. Kulak populations in several parts <strong>of</strong> central Russia were reduced<br />

substantially in the years that followed, but it was only after December 1927 that a wholesale<br />

state program <strong>of</strong> kulak destruction was launched by Lenin’s successor, Josef Stalin<br />

(1879–1953). In the drive to collectivize agriculture, the independence <strong>of</strong> agricultural<br />

producers—even <strong>of</strong> smallholders who made a modest pr<strong>of</strong>it from their harvests—was to<br />

be totally destroyed. The systematic nature <strong>of</strong> this destruction was massive. The kulaks<br />

were targeted in two major campaigns: one in 1930, the other in 1931. These saw the<br />

rounding up <strong>of</strong> about 1.8 million kulaks, and, by the end <strong>of</strong> 1933 another four hundred<br />

thousand had been apprehended. The key aspect <strong>of</strong> the communist strategy was the resettlement<br />

<strong>of</strong> the kulaks; by removing them from the land and placing them on communal<br />

farms at a substantial distance from their original districts, a transformation could be<br />

effected both in agricultural practices and demography. Privation, cold, disease, and violent<br />

treatment by the communists during these forced population transfers produced a<br />

death toll in the hundreds <strong>of</strong> thousands, but at no time did this cause the government to<br />

waver from their dekulakization program, even when it caused a massive disruption in<br />

agricultural production. Perhaps up to 6 million peasants starved to death due to Stalin’s<br />

forced collectivization campaigns. By the middle <strong>of</strong> the 1930s the full collectivization <strong>of</strong><br />

agriculture had taken place throughout the Soviet Union, and the rural peasantry was no<br />

longer identifiable in the form it had been just two decades earlier.<br />

Del Ponte, Carla (b. 1947). An international criminal lawyer, best known for her role<br />

as chief prosecutor for the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia<br />

(ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). Born in Lugano,<br />

Switzerland, Del Ponte studied law in Bern, Geneva, and the United Kingdom. In 1981<br />

she was appointed as a public prosecutor in Lugano, prosecuting cases <strong>of</strong> fraud, drug trafficking,<br />

arms dealing, terrorism, and espionage. She also pursued, and thus antagonized,<br />

the Italian mafia, which attempted to assassinate her in 1992. In 1994 Del Ponte became<br />

attorney general for Switzerland.<br />

In 1999, Del Ponte was appointed chief prosecutor at the ICTY in The Hague, and the<br />

ICTR in Arusha, replacing Louise Arbour (b. 1947). In 2003 she was relieved <strong>of</strong> her<br />

responsibility as prosecutor for the ICTR, in order to focus exclusively on prosecutions<br />

involving the former Yugoslavia. Renowned for her intensity in pursuing justice, she does<br />

not favor one side or the other when bringing cases to the ICTY; it matters not whether<br />

an alleged criminal is Serb, Croatian, Bosnian, or Kosovar Albanian. (Because <strong>of</strong> her<br />

dogged determination and concern with the victims <strong>of</strong> such genocides and other illegal<br />

criminal activities, her detractors have labeled her “the whore,” “the new Gestapo,” “the<br />

unguided missile,” and “the personification <strong>of</strong> stubbornness.”) That said, the majority <strong>of</strong><br />

DEL PONTE, CARLA<br />

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