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Dictionary of Genocide - D Ank Unlimited

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thinkers, either-or moralizing, ethnocentric). When coupled with governmental, economic,<br />

military, and/or social power, prejudice, discrimination, and racism can escalate into violence,<br />

mass murder, massacres, and, ultimately, genocide, though predicting early on<br />

whether such a group in power will engage in any <strong>of</strong> these behaviors has proven extremely<br />

difficult—if not impossible. Seemingly, the only possible counter to prejudice is that <strong>of</strong><br />

interactive education between different persons and groups supported by nation-state structures<br />

committed to peaceful interactions among its citizenry.<br />

Presidential Decision Directive 25 (PDD-25). Made public on May 3, 1994, PDD-25<br />

was the formal peacekeeping doctrine developed by the U.S. administration (1994–2000)<br />

<strong>of</strong> President Bill Clinton (b. 1946) in the wake <strong>of</strong> a catastrophic firefight (October 3–4,<br />

1993) involving U.S. forces during a peacekeeping operation in Somalia. During the latter,<br />

U.S. Army Rangers and Delta special forces were attempting to track down<br />

Mohammed Farah Aideed (1934–1996), the leader <strong>of</strong> the Somali National Movement<br />

(SNM) and its militia—the latter <strong>of</strong> which had recently killed twenty-four Pakistani UN<br />

peacekeepers deployed in Somalia. However, instead <strong>of</strong> capturing their prey, the U.S.<br />

troops were caught in a deadly ambush. Ultimately, eighteen U.S. soldiers were killed,<br />

seventy-three were wounded, and a Black Hawk helicopter pilot was kidnapped. This<br />

debacle ignited a congressional effort to limit U.S. participation in UN peacekeeping missions.<br />

In reality, PDD-25 basically comprises a list <strong>of</strong> reasons as to why the United States<br />

should avoid involvement in UN peacekeeping missions.<br />

PDD-25 listed sixteen conditions that U.S. decision-makers were to consider as they<br />

weighed whether the United States should support and/or become involved in UN peacekeeping<br />

activities. Seven conditions were germane to any situation in which the United<br />

States cast votes at the UN Security Council in regard to peace operations conducted by<br />

non-U.S. military personnel. Six even more restrictive conditions were to be taken into<br />

consideration should U.S. military personnel be involved in UN peacekeeping missions.<br />

Three conditions dealt with any situation in which it was likely that U.S. military personnel<br />

would have to engage in actual combat. Ultimately, PDD-25 specified that any<br />

involvement by the United States in UN peacekeeping operations had to advance U.S.<br />

interests, be essential for the success <strong>of</strong> the peacekeeping mission, and have the support<br />

<strong>of</strong> both the U.S. Congress and the citizens <strong>of</strong> the United States. Furthermore, it specified<br />

that the risk <strong>of</strong> fatalities had to be “acceptable” and that an “exit strategy” had to be<br />

clearly delineated.<br />

Presidential Guard. The Rwandan Presidential Guard, a unit <strong>of</strong> the Rwandan Government<br />

Forces, basically constituted the “praetorian guard” <strong>of</strong> Hutu President Juvenal<br />

Habyarimana (1937–1994). Although members <strong>of</strong> the Rwandan National Army (the<br />

FAR), Presidential Guard soldiers were nonetheless a force with a different agenda from<br />

the regular Rwandan troops. Answerable directly to President Habyarimana (and his successors),<br />

their task was essentially just as much one <strong>of</strong> regime security as it was <strong>of</strong> national<br />

defense. It was composed <strong>of</strong> extremist Hutu who were fiercely loyal to Habyarimana. The<br />

Presidential Guard was highly trained, well equipped, and generally recognized as both<br />

highly arrogant and aggressive. With the death <strong>of</strong> their president, the Presidential Guard<br />

was a potent weapon ready to be unleashed in the president’s name, and, during the ensuing<br />

genocide, was a key player among the murderers. More specifically, during the Rwandan<br />

genocide <strong>of</strong> April–July 1994, the Presidential Guard aided, armed, and reinforced the<br />

killing militias, particularly the Interahamwe (“those who stand together” and “those who<br />

PRESIDENTIAL GUARD<br />

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