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Dictionary of Genocide - D Ank Unlimited

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PEACE ENFORCEMENT<br />

328<br />

Independent State <strong>of</strong> Croatia during World War II. Among his sobriquets was “Butcher<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Balkans.” (He has also been referred to as the “Croatian Attila the Hun.”) Born in<br />

the small village <strong>of</strong> Bradina, southwest <strong>of</strong> Sarajevo, he later moved to Zagreb to study and<br />

receive his law degree from the University <strong>of</strong> Zagreb. As a young man he was already<br />

involved in rightist extremist activities; in 1927, for example, he defended Macedonian<br />

terrorists at their trial in Skopje. That same year he was elected to the Zagreb City<br />

Council, founding the Utashe two years later. After the successful German invasion <strong>of</strong><br />

Yugoslavia, he returned from Italy, where he had fled in 1934 because <strong>of</strong> his involvement<br />

in the assassination <strong>of</strong> King Alexander I <strong>of</strong> Yugoslavia (1888–1934) and French Foreign<br />

Minister Louis Barthou (1862–1934) in Marseilles, France, and became leader <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Independent State <strong>of</strong> Croatia. He was directly responsible for organizing and implementing<br />

a campaign <strong>of</strong> genocidal terror and brutality, said to be unrivalled even by the Nazis<br />

themselves, against Jews, Serbs, Roma, Sinti, and communists. It is estimated that those<br />

murdered under his regime numbered between three hundred thousand and 1 million. At<br />

the end <strong>of</strong> World War II, Pavelic fled first to Austria and later to Rome, where he was<br />

hidden by members <strong>of</strong> the Roman Catholic Church, which ultimately aided his departure<br />

to Argentina. There he became a security advisor to its fascist leader Juan Peron<br />

(1895–1974) until an assassination attempt in 1957 led him to flee to Spain. He died in<br />

Madrid two years later <strong>of</strong> complications from his wounds.<br />

Peace Enforcement. Peace enforcement comes into play when certain aspects <strong>of</strong> a UN<br />

peacekeeping effort become unenforceable (which <strong>of</strong>ten results from a hostile environment).<br />

In such cases, a peacekeeping mandate is enlarged to peace enforcement (also<br />

sometimes referred to as “robust peacekeeping”), and military force is applied in order to<br />

compel or force individuals, groups, militia, and state military forces to comply with UN<br />

Security Council resolutions. Among some <strong>of</strong> the many operations undertaken by a peace<br />

enforcement mission are stanching the recurrence <strong>of</strong> warfare, providing protection for the<br />

delivery <strong>of</strong> humanitarian aid, guarding “safe areas,” and disarming belligerents. Some have<br />

claimed that the very concept <strong>of</strong> “peace enforcement” is a contradiction in terms, an oxymoron,<br />

for peace and military force are polar opposites. Some have argued that when a<br />

peacekeeping mission moves to one <strong>of</strong> peace enforcement, “core elements <strong>of</strong> traditional<br />

peacekeeping”—the peacekeepers’ neutral role in the conflict, the nonuse <strong>of</strong> force, and<br />

the consent <strong>of</strong> the belligerent parties to allow outside involvement—fall by the wayside.<br />

Others argue that many <strong>of</strong> the great failures <strong>of</strong> the recent past by the United Nations to<br />

prevent crimes against humanity and/or genocide have been due to the fact that it has<br />

tried to force a Chapter VI (peacekeeping mission) into a situation (generally violent)<br />

that requires a Chapter VII (peace enforcement) mandate. As the cliché now has it,<br />

“When there is no peace to keep, there is no point in deploying a peacekeeping mission,”<br />

what is called for instead is the imposition <strong>of</strong> a peace enforcement (Chapter VII) mandate.<br />

Peace Maintenance. In 1995 Jarat Chopra, a research associate and lecturer in international<br />

law at the Thomas J. Watson Jr. Institute for International Studies at Brown<br />

University (Providence, Rhode Island), coined the term peace maintenance. Ultimately,<br />

Chopra defined the term “peace maintenance” as follows: “a comprehensive political<br />

strategy for pulling together all forms <strong>of</strong> intervention and assistance that may be<br />

required when state institutions fail (or risk failing) and the ‘warlord syndrome’<br />

emerges.” The actual feasibility <strong>of</strong> putting the latter into effect has met with great skepticism<br />

by numerous actors in the field. Be that as it may, the field <strong>of</strong> peace operations is

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