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Dictionary of Genocide - D Ank Unlimited

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DURANTY, WALTER<br />

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itself quite shocking—the guards, who had seen some <strong>of</strong> the hardest fighting around<br />

Dunkirk, believed the internees to be Nazi saboteurs and spies, and treated them with<br />

such brutality that the Dunera became known as a “floating concentration camp”—once<br />

the Dunera Boys arrived in Australia they were able to make new lives for themselves in<br />

the new country. Saved from the Nazis twice (first by leaving Germany, then by leaving<br />

blitz-ravaged Britain), the Dunera Boys <strong>of</strong> 1940 became the harbingers <strong>of</strong> the multicultural<br />

Australia that was to receive its kick start after the war. Many went on to become<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>essors, company founders and directors, judges, senior public servants, and leading<br />

members <strong>of</strong> their pr<strong>of</strong>essions.<br />

Duranty, Walter (1884–1957). A U.S. journalist reporting from the Soviet Union<br />

before World War II. English by birth (born in Liverpool), he was controversially awarded<br />

the Pulitzer Prize in 1932 for a collection <strong>of</strong> accounts <strong>of</strong> life in the Soviet Union that he<br />

had written the previous year when he was the Moscow correspondent for The New York<br />

Times. Altogether, Duranty lived in Moscow for twelve years. In the early 1930s he was<br />

sending dispatches back to the United States on events in the Soviet Union. At the time<br />

it was the high point <strong>of</strong> Josef Stalin’s (1879–1953) epic reforms, involving extensive<br />

industrial expansion and the agricultural collectivization. Because the USSR was not recognized<br />

by the government <strong>of</strong> President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1884–1945) until<br />

1933, news from the Soviet Union was received with considerable curiosity by the public,<br />

who knew next to nothing about the country as a whole, or the Five year Plans (the<br />

centralization <strong>of</strong> all economic, agricultural, and industrial activity according to statedetermined<br />

targets) in particular, let alone the lethal state violence which accompanied<br />

these programs. Ensconced in Moscow, Duranty had a sanitized view <strong>of</strong> what was taking<br />

place outside the capital. Most <strong>of</strong> his reports were enthusiastic in their praise <strong>of</strong> the Soviet<br />

goals to modernize Russia. His liberal optimism fired his admiration for which he was later<br />

honored with the Pulitzer Prize. Crucial to an assessment <strong>of</strong> Duranty’s reportage is what<br />

he omitted. It appeared as though he viewed the USSR through rose-tinted glasses: there<br />

is, for instance, no hint <strong>of</strong> the 1932–1933 Soviet man-made terror-famine that raged from<br />

the Ukraine to Kazakhstan in Soviet Central Asia. The death <strong>of</strong> millions caused as a<br />

result <strong>of</strong> this state-induced mass starvation is thus a shocking gap in Duranty’s portrait <strong>of</strong><br />

the USSR. This omission helped cover up a major state crime that was genocidal in scope,<br />

and warped the true image <strong>of</strong> the USSR for many years after the death <strong>of</strong> Soviet dictator<br />

Josef Stalin (1879–1953).<br />

Duranty, who returned to the United States during World War II, died in 1957. Several<br />

decades later, on account <strong>of</strong> his biased reporting, some critics sought the withdrawal<br />

<strong>of</strong> his Pulitzer Prize, owing to what they understood to have been his sycophancy and<br />

compliance with Soviet propaganda in the 1930s. The Pulitzer Prize committee did<br />

review the award, but in 2003 decided not to overturn the original decision—even<br />

though it recognized that Duranty’s journalism was <strong>of</strong> a lower standard.<br />

Dutchbat. The unit name given to a 1,170-strong Dutch paratroop battalion that was<br />

deployed to Bosnia to help guard the “safe areas” declared by the United Nations on<br />

April 16, 1993. In reality, there were three Dutchbat units; the first and second (Dutchbat I<br />

and II) completed their six-month tours in Bosnia unremarkably—guarding UN convoys,<br />

negotiating between the warring parties, and so on. Dutchbat III, deployed in 1995, had<br />

an altogether different fate. Earlier Dutchbat units had been detailed to safeguard the city<br />

<strong>of</strong> Srebrenica, where the first troops—570 in number—had arrived on March 3, 1994. By

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