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Dictionary of Genocide - D Ank Unlimited

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Essentially, the Potsdam Declaration was an agenda both for the dismantling <strong>of</strong> the<br />

German nation-state as it existed under the Nazis, including both punishments and reparations,<br />

and the reconstruction <strong>of</strong> postwar Germany under, at least initially, Allied control.<br />

Disagreements among the Allies themselves—including France, which had not been<br />

an original signatory to this agreement—made its full implementation both difficult and<br />

problematic, and resulted in its continuous modification.<br />

Powell Doctrine. A U.S. doctrine enunciated in the 1990s regarding the use <strong>of</strong> overwhelming<br />

U.S. force in military conflicts. Key tenets <strong>of</strong> the doctrine included the need to<br />

provide the military services with a clear mission and with all the resources needed to<br />

carry out the mission in an effective and successful fashion. Equally significant was the<br />

tenet that overwhelming force should be used once the nation had embarked upon a war,<br />

but as soon as victory was achieved there should be a disengagement <strong>of</strong> force. A concomitant<br />

<strong>of</strong> the latter was that there was a serious risk in remaining as an occupation force<br />

for too long after the military triumph.<br />

The Powell Doctrine arose out <strong>of</strong> the first Gulf War (1991), during the administration<br />

<strong>of</strong> U.S. president George H. W. Bush (b. 1924). At the time, General Colin Powell<br />

(b. 1937) was chairman <strong>of</strong> the U.S. Joint Chiefs <strong>of</strong> Staff (1989–1993). When Iraq<br />

invaded and occupied Kuwait on August 2, 1990, the United States faced a major policy<br />

decision as to how to respond. At issue were several factors, most importantly, whether to<br />

evict Iraqi forces and restore Kuwaiti independence or to end the occupation <strong>of</strong> Kuwait<br />

and continue on to Baghdad and overthrow the government <strong>of</strong> President Saddam Hussein<br />

(1937–2006). The debate that ensued split Bush’s key advisers, partly because they<br />

realized the final decision would be crucial to the direction taken by U.S. foreign policy<br />

in the Near East well into the future. During the course <strong>of</strong> the debate, General Powell<br />

expressed his view that the U.S. military response should be limited to freeing Kuwait,<br />

thus avoiding a protracted war in Iraq. It was clear that Powell feared another Vietnamstyle<br />

commitment, a war that Powell had experienced and from which he had drawn<br />

several important lessons. One was to avoid at all costs an unpopular war at home and not<br />

to engage in a potentially unwinnable conflict (as in Vietnam), which could leave public<br />

opinion in the United States disgruntled. In light <strong>of</strong> these considerations, Powell argued<br />

for a short war, with victory achieved through the use <strong>of</strong> overwhelming power. President<br />

Bush opted in favor <strong>of</strong> Powell’s logic. This determined the subsequent tactics and strategy<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Gulf War, namely, the speedy eviction <strong>of</strong> the invaders from Kuwait, without an<br />

ensuing pursuit <strong>of</strong> the Iraqi army across the border into Iraq itself. The doctrine <strong>of</strong> overwhelming<br />

force enunciated by Powell at this time was expressed very clearly in a<br />

comment he made about the U.S. tactics against the Iraqi military machine: “First we’re<br />

going to cut if <strong>of</strong>f, then we’re going to kill it.”<br />

In an attempt to stave <strong>of</strong>f demands for the U.S. military to take action in Bosnia in 1992,<br />

Powell asserted, “If force is used imprecisely or out <strong>of</strong> frustration rather than clear analysis,<br />

the situation can be made worse. We should always be skeptical when so-called experts suggest<br />

that all a particular crisis calls for is a little surgical bombing or a limited attack. When<br />

the ‘surgery’ is over and the desired result is not obtained, a new set <strong>of</strong> experts then comes<br />

forward with talk <strong>of</strong> just a little escalation—more bombs, more men and women, more<br />

force. History has not been kind to this approach to war-making. In fact, this approach has<br />

been tragic.” And thus, the United States hemmed and hawed and wavered its way<br />

through the crisis in the former Yugoslavia, acting like anything but a superpower.<br />

POWELL DOCTRINE<br />

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