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Dictionary of Genocide - D Ank Unlimited

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GOALS OF ANTI-JEWISH ADMINISTRATORS THROUGH THE AGES<br />

170<br />

Goals <strong>of</strong> Anti-Jewish Administrators through the Ages. In his magisterial threevolume<br />

work entitled The Destruction <strong>of</strong> the Jews, historian Raul Hilberg (b.1926) observes<br />

that<br />

the Nazi destruction process did not come out <strong>of</strong> a void; it was the culmination <strong>of</strong> a cyclical trend.<br />

We have observed the trend on the three successive goals <strong>of</strong> anti-Jewish administrators. The<br />

missionaries <strong>of</strong> Christianity had said in effect: You have no right to live among us as Jews.<br />

The secular rulers who followed had proclaimed: You have no right to live among us. The<br />

German Nazis at last decreed: You have no right to live. (Hilberg, 1985, p. 9)<br />

Goebbels, (Paul) Joseph (1897–1945). Holder <strong>of</strong> a doctorate in literature and philosophy<br />

with the intention <strong>of</strong> becoming a writer, Goebbels joined the Nazi Party in 1924,<br />

and, by 1933 Hitler appointed him German Minister <strong>of</strong> Public Enlightenment and Propaganda<br />

because <strong>of</strong> his talents in this area. A virulent antisemite, among Goebbels’s<br />

goals was the physical removal <strong>of</strong> all Jews, not only from Berlin, but from all <strong>of</strong> Germany,<br />

and a campaign for German support for the euthanasia campaign. He also hoped to “Nazify”<br />

German art and culture by removing so-called foreign elements (read Jewish), and in<br />

1933 orchestrated the now notorious book burning in Berlin. The primary architect <strong>of</strong><br />

the infamous Kristallnacht <strong>of</strong> November 1938, the initial destruction <strong>of</strong> Jewish lives and<br />

property, he would, by 1944, be placed in charge <strong>of</strong> the mobilization <strong>of</strong> the German people’s<br />

war efforts. Rather than submitting to capture by either the Russians or the Allies,<br />

he and his wife Magda committed suicide in the Fuhrer’s bunker after first poisoning<br />

their six children.<br />

Goldstone, Richard (b. 1938). For many years in the 1990s and early 2000s, Goldstone<br />

served as a justice with the Constitutional Court <strong>of</strong> South Africa. From August<br />

1994 to September 1996, he also served as the chief prosecutor <strong>of</strong> the UN International<br />

Criminal Tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and Rwanda (ICTR). He was<br />

selected, in part, for the latter position on the basis <strong>of</strong> his global reputation for his sterling<br />

work, while directing a South African Commission <strong>of</strong> Inquiry that disclosed police violence<br />

and abuse against black citizens <strong>of</strong> South Africa during South Africa’s apartheid<br />

years.<br />

Golkar. An Indonesian political party. Its name is derived from Sekretariat Bersama<br />

Golongan Karya, or Joint Secretariat <strong>of</strong> Functional Groups. The party evolved as an armybacked<br />

alliance <strong>of</strong> nearly one hundred anticommunist groups and organizations in the<br />

early 1960s, but it was ineffective so long as Indonesia was ruled by its left-leaning first<br />

president, Ahmed Sukarno (1901–1970). After a military takeover <strong>of</strong> power led by<br />

Mohamed Suharto (b. 1921) in 1966, Golkar was reorganized by General Ali Murtopo<br />

(1923–1984), head <strong>of</strong> the army’s Special Operations Service (OPSUS) and Suharto’s<br />

political protégé. The party henceforth became the established party <strong>of</strong> government, and<br />

remained so for more than three decades. Electoral successes in 1971, 1977, 1982, and<br />

1987 saw Suharto’s rule entrenched. Between 1971 and 1988, Suharto was unopposed in<br />

presidential elections, and Golkar came more and more to resemble a personal political<br />

front organization designed to enable him to retain <strong>of</strong>fice. Evolving into a mass mobilizing<br />

party loyal to Suharto, in some senses it moved away from being the political arm <strong>of</strong><br />

the Indonesian military alone, though Suharto’s ongoing support <strong>of</strong> the military in most<br />

areas tended to blur the distinctions. Yet, as the party leadership tried to distance itself<br />

from the army, the military chiefs became increasingly wary <strong>of</strong> the direction the party was<br />

heading, and in the final years <strong>of</strong> Suharto’s rule before his departure in 1998, it was unclear

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