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6th European Conference - Academic Conferences

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Julie Ryan and Daniel Ryan<br />

“Declaration of Legal Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer<br />

Space” in 1963 (Wolter 2003, p. 4) The Declaration has since been supplemented by three<br />

resolutions laying down the legal principles applicable to the exploration and exploitation of outer<br />

space, a “Declaration on International Cooperation in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space for the<br />

Benefit and in the Interest of All States, Taking into Particular Account the Needs of Developing<br />

Countries,” and five treaties and agreements governing the use of space and space-related activities.<br />

(United Nations Treaties and Principles on Space Law ) These treaties, agreements and principles<br />

are collectively known as the “United Nations Treaties and Principles in Outer Space.” Nuclear<br />

weapons are forbidden, but other weapons (kinetic weapons, lasers) are permitted. (Although nuclear<br />

weapons are banned, it is recognized that some uses of nuclear power are needed in space, the<br />

Treaties and Principles provide for safety in its use, mitigation of risks, and liability for states that fail to<br />

control the nuclear power or its sources.)<br />

The very nature of outer space is such that spacecraft do not have the same ability to control their<br />

flight paths that aircraft operating within the atmosphere have, (Braeunig 1997-2008) and the cost of a<br />

space program that could interdict is large, (Fox 2007) so a rule requiring interdiction of belligerents’<br />

weapons in space by the neutral does not make sense. Spacecraft and satellites in orbit pass above<br />

both belligerents and neutrals and cannot avoid doing so, being subject to the laws of celestial<br />

mechanics. Accordingly, the notions of territorial control that apply in the laws of the sea and the<br />

regulation of aircraft, cannot apply in outer space. If neutrals were required to exercise control over<br />

the use of outer space in the same way they exercise control over air traffic in the skies above their<br />

territories, it would be practically impossible to maintain neutrality at all.<br />

Similarly, recognizing the impossibility of neutrals interdicting belligerent Internet use of the neutral’s<br />

information infrastructure without prohibitive costs or unacceptable consequences for the neutral’s licit<br />

use of its own infrastructure: "a state may not be able to prevent [cyber] attacks from leaving its<br />

jurisdiction unless it severs all connections with computer systems in other states." (Brown 2006, p.<br />

210) This indicates that the appropriate rule for Internet use is more like the rule for space than the<br />

rule for air or land traffic, even when the use involves cyber weapons or information useful to the<br />

belligerent for military purposes (telemetry, GPS, weather data, etc.). Such acceptable use would, of<br />

course, apply to all belligerents, because the rules of neutrality prohibit the neutral state favoring one<br />

side in any way over the other side. (Brown 2006, p. 211)<br />

5. Conclusion<br />

Phillip Jessup, in 1936, concluded, "There is nothing new about revising neutrality; it has undergone<br />

an almost constant process of revision in detail." (Jessup 1935-6, p. 156. Cited in Walker 2000, p.<br />

109) With the advent of cyberwar, rules governing neutrality during periods of belligerency need to be<br />

reconsidered and revised yet again. The realities of the Internet age mean that weapons as well as<br />

information can move across communications networks in ways that were not possible or foreseeable<br />

during the earlier evolution of the laws of war and neutrality. Yet the paths that those weapons will<br />

take as they traverse the Internet on the way to their intended targets are beyond the knowledge or<br />

control of the belligerents that launch them. Detection, identification and interdiction by neutrals<br />

across whose territories the weapons may pass are impractical without sacrificing the utility of the<br />

networks for licit use by the neutrals and others, hence impossible.<br />

However, it is the only the details of the rules of neutrality that must change. Neutrals will not be<br />

required to do what they cannot do, and will not be subject to attack when they do not detect, identify<br />

and interdict the flow of weapons through their information infrastructures. The key principle of<br />

neutrality requiring that neutrals do not knowingly and willingly participate in the belligerency, or favor<br />

one side over the other, can and must be retained.<br />

Disclaimer: Opinions expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not represent positions<br />

of George Washington University, or of the Information Resources Management College, the National<br />

Defense University, the Department of Defense, or the United States Government.<br />

References<br />

The Avalon Project: Documents in Law, History and Diplomacy. Yale Law School, Lillian Goldman Law Library.<br />

http://avalon.law.yale.edu/default.asp.<br />

Boot, Max (2006) War Made New: Technology, Warfare, and the Course of History, 1500 to Today. New York:<br />

Gotham Books.<br />

225

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