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262 JERALD GREENBERG<br />

SPECIAL CASES AND EXCEPTIONS<br />

Having described the central principle <strong>of</strong> procedural and interactional justice and its<br />

major subprinciples, I now identify several key qualifying conditions under which these<br />

are likely to occur.<br />

Outcome valence<br />

Research has established that procedural justice ’s effects on the acceptance <strong>of</strong> organizational<br />

outcomes are qualified by the valence <strong>of</strong> the outcomes involved (Brockner and<br />

Weisenfeld, 1996 ). Specifically, fair procedures matter more to people when outcomes are<br />

negative than when they are positive – an effect known as the outcome process interaction.<br />

Generally, employees receiving positive outcomes tend to be so pleased with what<br />

they got that they are unconcerned with how they got it. However, concerns about procedures<br />

become salient when outcomes are negative (for a detailed analysis <strong>of</strong> this effect,<br />

see Brockner, 2009 ). After all, people who don’t receive what they want are likely to ask<br />

“ why? ” and the answers they seek are likely to be framed in terms <strong>of</strong> the procedures used<br />

to determine those outcomes. As I explained elsewhere (Greenberg, 1986b ), people may<br />

feel that it is inappropriate to express their dissatisfaction with undesirable outcomes for<br />

fear <strong>of</strong> appearing to be “ sore losers,” but that it almost always is appropriate to ask questions<br />

about “ how ” outcomes were determined. Indeed, the basis for appealing grades in<br />

most universities and the verdicts <strong>of</strong> court cases is based not on dissatisfaction with the<br />

outcomes (although this may be the underlying motive for the appeal), but on the propriety<br />

<strong>of</strong> the procedures used to determine them. And, because procedures hold the key to<br />

understanding outcomes, their salience is heightened when outcomes are negative.<br />

Although procedural justice might matter more when outcomes are negative than<br />

when positive, this applies to people ’s acceptance <strong>of</strong> organizational outcomes, but not to<br />

organizations themselves. Indeed, high levels <strong>of</strong> procedural justice can have benefi cial<br />

effects on commitment to the organization in question even when outcomes are positive.<br />

For example, Greenberg ( 1994 ) found that a smoking ban that was explained fairly had<br />

stronger effects on smokers (for whom the impact was negative) than on non - smokers (for<br />

whom the impact was positive). However, both smokers and non - smokers expressed high<br />

levels <strong>of</strong> commitment to the organization when it used fair procedures. Apparently, organizations<br />

that use fair procedures send strong messages about their underlying commitment<br />

to fairness, which enhances employees ’ commitment to the organization regardless <strong>of</strong> the<br />

outcomes they receive from it.<br />

The limits <strong>of</strong> voice<br />

If the granting <strong>of</strong> voice enhances acceptance <strong>of</strong> outcomes, then it may be assumed that<br />

more voice promotes greater acceptance (see Chapter 24 for a discussion <strong>of</strong> participation<br />

in decision making). However, research suggests that such an assumption is fallacious.<br />

Specifically, two studies have shown that the benefits <strong>of</strong> the magnitude <strong>of</strong> voice are<br />

non - linear. For example, Hunton, Wall, and Price ( 1998 ) conducted an experiment<br />

in which they manipulated the number <strong>of</strong> supervisory decisions (0, 5, 10, 15, or 20) over which

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