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Theories of the Information Society, Third Edition - Cryptome

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NETWORK SOCIETY<br />

Touraine and Daniel Bell get little more than passing mention), it is clear that his<br />

views are consonant with a good deal <strong>of</strong> recent writing. More specifically,<br />

Castells’s emphasis on a pr<strong>of</strong>oundly changed stratification system, especially his<br />

concern with <strong>the</strong> centrality <strong>of</strong> well-educated informational labour, and his stress<br />

on new forms <strong>of</strong> political mobilisation that transcend former class divisions,<br />

encapsulates a spectrum <strong>of</strong> beliefs that ‘new times’ are upon us.<br />

The demise <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> working class<br />

Castells foresees <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> traditional working class in two ways. First <strong>of</strong> all,<br />

this class, once <strong>the</strong> anchor <strong>of</strong> all radical political movements, is numerically in<br />

decline and being replaced by a non-manual, increasingly female workforce.<br />

Second, its contribution to society has been taken away: <strong>the</strong> labour <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong><br />

value should be replaced with an information (or knowledge) <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> value. In<br />

Castells’s (1997a) words, ‘knowledge and information are <strong>the</strong> essential materials<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> new production process, and education is <strong>the</strong> key quality <strong>of</strong> labour, [so]<br />

<strong>the</strong> new producers <strong>of</strong> informational capitalism are those knowledge generators<br />

and information processors whose contribution is most valuable to <strong>the</strong> . . .<br />

economy’ (p. 345).<br />

While in <strong>the</strong> past <strong>the</strong> working class was subordinate to <strong>the</strong> owners <strong>of</strong> capital,<br />

it was widely accepted that it was still indispensable. After all, miners, factory<br />

operatives and farm workers were needed if coal was to be won, assembly lines<br />

to run and food produced. This essential contribution <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> working class is what<br />

underlies <strong>the</strong> labour <strong>the</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> value and <strong>the</strong> strong <strong>the</strong>me <strong>of</strong> ‘inheritor’ politics<br />

in socialism – <strong>the</strong> idea that ‘<strong>the</strong> working class create <strong>the</strong> wealth and one day <strong>the</strong>y<br />

will reap <strong>the</strong>ir just rewards’. Nowadays, however, this is not so. A new class –<br />

informational labour – has emerged which makes <strong>the</strong> old working class disposable.<br />

<strong>Information</strong>al labour acts on generic labour in ways that make abundantly<br />

clear who is more important to society. It does this in diverse ways, perhaps by<br />

automating generic labour out <strong>of</strong> existence (by using computerised technologies)<br />

or by transferring production to o<strong>the</strong>r parts <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> world (readily done by planners<br />

with access to high technology) or by creating a new product towards which<br />

generic labour, being fixed and rigid, is incapable <strong>of</strong> adjusting.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> new world, informational labour is <strong>the</strong> prime creator <strong>of</strong> wealth, while<br />

<strong>the</strong> working class is in terminal decline because it cannot change fast enough to<br />

keep pace. In current parlance, it lacks ‘flexibility’. As a result, politics is shifting<br />

away from class (which was, anyway, hopelessly mired in <strong>the</strong> nation state, ano<strong>the</strong>r<br />

reason why <strong>the</strong> working class is impotent in a globalised world) towards social<br />

movements such as feminism, ethnicity and environmentalism. These movements<br />

reach far beyond traditional class allegiances and appeal to <strong>the</strong> lifestyles and identities<br />

<strong>of</strong> supporters. They, too, are noticeably infiltrated by information labour <strong>of</strong><br />

one sort or ano<strong>the</strong>r. Consider, for example, Amnesty International, Greenpeace<br />

or Friends <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Earth, each with global reach, computerised membership lists<br />

and extensive networks <strong>of</strong> highly educated, scientifically trained and mediaconscious<br />

staff and supporters.<br />

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