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Theories of the Information Society, Third Edition - Cryptome

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REGULATION SCHOOL THEORY<br />

people in manufacture worked in companies with more than 500 employees<br />

(Westergaard and Resler, 1975, pp. 151–2). A corollary was <strong>the</strong> development<br />

<strong>of</strong> distinctive localities, areas – <strong>of</strong>ten entire towns, though more commonly a<br />

particular district – known by what <strong>the</strong>y produced: for example, Derby for its<br />

railway works and Rolls-Royce factory, Shotton, Corby and Consett for <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

steelworks, Coventry for its automobiles, and Birmingham for various engineering<br />

enterprises.<br />

Industrial workers<br />

Throughout this period <strong>the</strong> predominant group in employment was industrial<br />

workers. These were those predominantly male blue-collar employees employed<br />

in manufacture and some extractive industries who evidenced strong regional<br />

and class attachments that were echoed in political affiliations and attitudes.<br />

Constituting almost 70 per cent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> British workforce in 1951, male manual<br />

workers still accounted for almost 60 per cent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total twenty years later<br />

(Harrison, 1984, p. 381) and, in <strong>the</strong> early 1960s, about 60 per cent <strong>of</strong> all employment<br />

was located in sectors covering a range <strong>of</strong> industrial activities from mining<br />

to chemical production, while 43 per cent <strong>of</strong> jobs were accounted for by manufacturing<br />

alone (Gershuny and Miles, 1983, p. 20).<br />

In industry <strong>the</strong>re was a high degree <strong>of</strong> unionisation among <strong>the</strong> workforce that<br />

was recognised by most employers and channelled into institutional arrangements<br />

for handling labour and management relationships. At <strong>the</strong> local level this<br />

found expression in agreed negotiation procedures while at <strong>the</strong> highest levels<br />

it was reflected in a tendency towards what became known as corporatism<br />

(Middlemass, 1979), in which employers’ representatives, trade union leaders<br />

and politicians would meet regularly to agree on issues <strong>of</strong> mutual concern. This<br />

reached its peak in <strong>the</strong> 1960s with regular ‘beer and sandwiches’ meetings at<br />

10 Downing Street and <strong>the</strong> formulation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Social Contract by <strong>the</strong> Premier and<br />

leading trade unionists.<br />

Above all, perhaps, <strong>the</strong> longest boom in capitalism’s history meant continual<br />

economic growth and, with it, full employment. With <strong>the</strong> exception <strong>of</strong> a few<br />

pockets, unemployment in Britain virtually disappeared, rates hovering around<br />

2 per cent throughout <strong>the</strong> 1950s and early 1960s. This ‘frictional unemployment’,<br />

accounted for chiefly by those temporarily out <strong>of</strong> work while seeking alternative<br />

jobs, meant <strong>the</strong>re was stability, assurance and confidence for <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

population.<br />

Mass consumption<br />

Over <strong>the</strong>se years mass consumption became <strong>the</strong> norm, facilitated by (relatively)<br />

high and increasing wages, decreasing real costs <strong>of</strong> consumer goods, 2 full employment,<br />

<strong>the</strong> rapid spread <strong>of</strong> instalment purchase 3 and credit facilities, and, <strong>of</strong> course,<br />

<strong>the</strong> stimulation that came with <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> advertising, fashion, television and<br />

66

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