Theories of the Information Society, Third Edition - Cryptome
Theories of the Information Society, Third Edition - Cryptome
Theories of the Information Society, Third Edition - Cryptome
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REGULATION SCHOOL THEORY<br />
people in manufacture worked in companies with more than 500 employees<br />
(Westergaard and Resler, 1975, pp. 151–2). A corollary was <strong>the</strong> development<br />
<strong>of</strong> distinctive localities, areas – <strong>of</strong>ten entire towns, though more commonly a<br />
particular district – known by what <strong>the</strong>y produced: for example, Derby for its<br />
railway works and Rolls-Royce factory, Shotton, Corby and Consett for <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
steelworks, Coventry for its automobiles, and Birmingham for various engineering<br />
enterprises.<br />
Industrial workers<br />
Throughout this period <strong>the</strong> predominant group in employment was industrial<br />
workers. These were those predominantly male blue-collar employees employed<br />
in manufacture and some extractive industries who evidenced strong regional<br />
and class attachments that were echoed in political affiliations and attitudes.<br />
Constituting almost 70 per cent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> British workforce in 1951, male manual<br />
workers still accounted for almost 60 per cent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> total twenty years later<br />
(Harrison, 1984, p. 381) and, in <strong>the</strong> early 1960s, about 60 per cent <strong>of</strong> all employment<br />
was located in sectors covering a range <strong>of</strong> industrial activities from mining<br />
to chemical production, while 43 per cent <strong>of</strong> jobs were accounted for by manufacturing<br />
alone (Gershuny and Miles, 1983, p. 20).<br />
In industry <strong>the</strong>re was a high degree <strong>of</strong> unionisation among <strong>the</strong> workforce that<br />
was recognised by most employers and channelled into institutional arrangements<br />
for handling labour and management relationships. At <strong>the</strong> local level this<br />
found expression in agreed negotiation procedures while at <strong>the</strong> highest levels<br />
it was reflected in a tendency towards what became known as corporatism<br />
(Middlemass, 1979), in which employers’ representatives, trade union leaders<br />
and politicians would meet regularly to agree on issues <strong>of</strong> mutual concern. This<br />
reached its peak in <strong>the</strong> 1960s with regular ‘beer and sandwiches’ meetings at<br />
10 Downing Street and <strong>the</strong> formulation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Social Contract by <strong>the</strong> Premier and<br />
leading trade unionists.<br />
Above all, perhaps, <strong>the</strong> longest boom in capitalism’s history meant continual<br />
economic growth and, with it, full employment. With <strong>the</strong> exception <strong>of</strong> a few<br />
pockets, unemployment in Britain virtually disappeared, rates hovering around<br />
2 per cent throughout <strong>the</strong> 1950s and early 1960s. This ‘frictional unemployment’,<br />
accounted for chiefly by those temporarily out <strong>of</strong> work while seeking alternative<br />
jobs, meant <strong>the</strong>re was stability, assurance and confidence for <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
population.<br />
Mass consumption<br />
Over <strong>the</strong>se years mass consumption became <strong>the</strong> norm, facilitated by (relatively)<br />
high and increasing wages, decreasing real costs <strong>of</strong> consumer goods, 2 full employment,<br />
<strong>the</strong> rapid spread <strong>of</strong> instalment purchase 3 and credit facilities, and, <strong>of</strong> course,<br />
<strong>the</strong> stimulation that came with <strong>the</strong> growth <strong>of</strong> advertising, fashion, television and<br />
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