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Theories of the Information Society, Third Edition - Cryptome

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INFORMATION AND THE MARKET<br />

It is this that leads Pr<strong>of</strong>essor Schiller to ask exasperatedly:<br />

What kind <strong>of</strong> information today is being produced at incredible levels <strong>of</strong><br />

sophistication? Stock market prices, commodity prices, currency information.<br />

You have big private data producers, all kinds <strong>of</strong> brokers . . . who have <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

video monitors and are plugged into information systems which give <strong>the</strong>m<br />

incredible arrays <strong>of</strong> highly specific information, but this is all related to how<br />

you can make more money in <strong>the</strong> stock market . . . how you can shift funds<br />

in and out <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> country . . . that’s where most <strong>of</strong> this information is going<br />

and who is receiving it.<br />

(Schiller, 1990b, p. 3)<br />

David Dickson (1984) extends this argument in his history <strong>of</strong> science and<br />

technology – key knowledge realms – since <strong>the</strong> Second World War. Here he identifies<br />

two elements, namely <strong>the</strong> corporate sector and <strong>the</strong> military, as <strong>the</strong> critical<br />

determinants <strong>of</strong> innovation. To Herbert Schiller <strong>the</strong>se are reducible to one, since<br />

it is his conviction that <strong>the</strong> military’s responsibility is to protect and preserve <strong>the</strong><br />

capitalist system and its market ethos. Thus he writes that:<br />

The military’s preoccupation with communication and computers and satellites<br />

. . . is not some generalized interest in advanced technology. The<br />

mission <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> USA’s Armed Forces is to serve and protect a world system<br />

<strong>of</strong> economic organisation, directed by and <strong>of</strong> benefit to powerful private<br />

aggregations <strong>of</strong> capital.<br />

(Schiller, 1984b, p. 382)<br />

The military might make enormous demands on information, but since this is to<br />

bolster <strong>the</strong> capitalist empire worldwide <strong>the</strong> fundamental shaper <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> informational<br />

domain is <strong>the</strong> market imperative at <strong>the</strong> heart <strong>of</strong> capitalist enterprise to which<br />

<strong>the</strong> military dedicates itself. It is in this light that we can better appreciate Schiller’s<br />

summary judgement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘information society’. Far from being a beneficent<br />

development, it is expressive <strong>of</strong> capital’s commitment to <strong>the</strong> commercial ethic.<br />

Hence<br />

What is called <strong>the</strong> ‘information society’ is, in fact, <strong>the</strong> production, processing,<br />

and transmission <strong>of</strong> a very large amount <strong>of</strong> data about all sorts <strong>of</strong> matters –<br />

individual and national, social and commercial, economic and military. Most<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> data are produced to meet very specific needs <strong>of</strong> super-corporations,<br />

national government bureaucracies, and <strong>the</strong> military establishments <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

advanced industrial state.<br />

(Schiller, 1981, p. 25)<br />

Dickson extends this <strong>the</strong>me when he identifies three main phases <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

United States’ science policy. The first, in <strong>the</strong> immediate post-war years, was<br />

dominated by <strong>the</strong> priority <strong>of</strong> gearing scientific endeavour to <strong>the</strong> needs <strong>of</strong> military<br />

and nuclear power. During <strong>the</strong> 1960s and 1970s <strong>the</strong>re was a discernible switch,<br />

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