Theories of the Information Society, Third Edition - Cryptome
Theories of the Information Society, Third Edition - Cryptome
Theories of the Information Society, Third Edition - Cryptome
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REGULATION SCHOOL THEORY<br />
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strike action, to revisions <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> structures and syllabuses <strong>of</strong> schools and higher<br />
education, to reorganisation <strong>of</strong> local government – notably <strong>the</strong> abolition <strong>of</strong> a major<br />
government critic, <strong>the</strong> Greater London Council (cf. Gamble, 1988; Kavanagh, 1990).<br />
Fordist regime <strong>of</strong> accumulation, 1945–73<br />
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Regulation School <strong>the</strong>orists contend that <strong>the</strong>se years may be characterised as <strong>the</strong><br />
Fordist–Keynesian era, during which a number <strong>of</strong> interconnected features ensured<br />
that <strong>the</strong> system as a whole maintained equilibrium. Briefly, this was an expansionary<br />
period in which mass production and consumption were in reasonable<br />
balance, in which state involvement in economic affairs helped keep that<br />
harmony, and in which government welfare measures assisted in this as well as<br />
in upholding social stability.<br />
Because Ford was <strong>the</strong> pioneer <strong>of</strong> production techniques which allowed <strong>the</strong><br />
manufacture <strong>of</strong> goods at a price which could encourage mass consumption, while<br />
he was also at <strong>the</strong> forefront <strong>of</strong> payment <strong>of</strong> (relatively) high wages which also stimulated<br />
<strong>the</strong> purchase <strong>of</strong> goods, his name has been applied to <strong>the</strong> system as a whole.<br />
However, it would be an error to suppose that Ford’s methods were established<br />
ei<strong>the</strong>r everywhere or in <strong>the</strong> same way (Meyer, 1981). Ra<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> terminology indicates<br />
that <strong>the</strong> Ford corporation was <strong>the</strong> archetype, especially at its peak in <strong>the</strong><br />
post-Second World War phase when it came to represent many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> key<br />
elements <strong>of</strong> advanced capitalist enterprise. Similarly, since Keynes is <strong>the</strong> economist<br />
whose policies are most closely associated with state intervention in<br />
industrial affairs <strong>the</strong> better to manage matters, <strong>the</strong> term ‘Keynesian’ should be<br />
understood paradigmatically ra<strong>the</strong>r than as suggesting that governments acted in<br />
a uniform manner across different nations.<br />
The Fordist–Keynesian era had a number <strong>of</strong> important distinguishing<br />
features. We consider each <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> most significant in turn.<br />
Mass production<br />
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Mass production <strong>of</strong> goods was <strong>the</strong> norm. Here, in areas such as engineering, electrical<br />
goods and automobiles, it was characteristic <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> time to find standardised<br />
products, manufactured using common processes (<strong>the</strong> assembly line system),<br />
being created in large volume in pretty much undifferentiated patterns (fridges,<br />
vacuum cleaners, televisions, clothing, etc.). Typically manufacturing plants were<br />
large, at <strong>the</strong> upper end <strong>the</strong> Ford factory in Detroit having 40,000 employees on<br />
<strong>the</strong> one site, but even in England <strong>the</strong> motor vehicle plants in Oxford (Cowley)<br />
and Birmingham (Longbridge) each had considerably over 25,000 workers<br />
in <strong>the</strong> late 1960s, and, since everywhere cost-effective mass production required<br />
<strong>the</strong> economies <strong>of</strong> scale which came with size, factories <strong>of</strong> several hundred or<br />
even thousands <strong>of</strong> employees were typical. Thus in <strong>the</strong> United Kingdom by 1963<br />
fully one-third <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> entire labour force in private sector manufacture worked<br />
for organisations with at least 10,000 on <strong>the</strong>ir payroll and over 70 per cent <strong>of</strong><br />
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