Theories of the Information Society, Third Edition - Cryptome
Theories of the Information Society, Third Edition - Cryptome
Theories of the Information Society, Third Edition - Cryptome
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INFORMATION AND DEMOCRACY<br />
presentation <strong>of</strong> a ‘war almost without death’ (Knightley, 1991, p. 5). It has to be<br />
said that <strong>the</strong> ‘perception management’ <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kosovan War, waged in <strong>the</strong> spring<br />
<strong>of</strong> 1999, was by no means so successful. The NATO allies were too divided, <strong>the</strong><br />
conflict continued too long, and many journalists were too sceptical to present<br />
a straightforward snow job. Perhaps most important, <strong>the</strong>re were information<br />
sources within Serbia, notably Western journalists (estimates were that <strong>the</strong>re<br />
were over 2,000 journalists in <strong>the</strong> war zone), and e-mail reports from within <strong>the</strong><br />
nation which countered <strong>the</strong> propaganda machine. None<strong>the</strong>less, <strong>the</strong> weight <strong>of</strong><br />
reporting remained favourable to <strong>the</strong> Western point <strong>of</strong> view.<br />
During <strong>the</strong> Afghanistan campaign <strong>of</strong> 2001, and even more during <strong>the</strong><br />
Anglo-American invasion <strong>of</strong> Iraq in 2003, media management was a priority <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> military and its political directors. However, success in this was not easily<br />
achieved, <strong>the</strong> plethora <strong>of</strong> alternative news sources and <strong>the</strong> sheer volume <strong>of</strong><br />
reportage, combined with lightweight communications technologies and <strong>the</strong><br />
availability <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Internet, made it difficult for <strong>the</strong> military to ensure passage <strong>of</strong><br />
its preferred messages (Tumber and Webster, 2006). However assiduously<br />
prepared are <strong>the</strong> military plans, <strong>the</strong> information environment in most conflict<br />
zones nowadays makes it extremely difficult for <strong>the</strong>m to be effected with total<br />
success, something we discuss fur<strong>the</strong>r in <strong>the</strong> following chapter.<br />
The threat <strong>of</strong> war and insurgency is not an exceptional condition <strong>of</strong> liberal<br />
democracy, but ra<strong>the</strong>r it is a routine feature. Because <strong>of</strong> this, preparedness for<br />
such circumstances is characteristic <strong>of</strong> our age, a key consideration <strong>of</strong> which is<br />
public opinion since this can be crucial in <strong>the</strong> success or failure <strong>of</strong> any conflict.<br />
This preparedness necessarily results in systematically distorted information,<br />
information dissemination not to provide knowledge but to advance <strong>the</strong> interests<br />
<strong>of</strong> military combatants and politicians. As such it joins with broader patterns <strong>of</strong><br />
information management to denude <strong>the</strong> public sphere, <strong>the</strong>reby to narrow <strong>the</strong><br />
range <strong>of</strong> public discussion and debate, even if its goals are difficult to fulfil.<br />
Objections<br />
The foregoing has described an apparently inexorable spread <strong>of</strong> information<br />
management by politicians, government and business interests. When added to<br />
<strong>the</strong> well-documented pressures operating on public service institutions, it might<br />
appear that <strong>the</strong>re is strong reason to concur with Habermas’s pessimism: <strong>the</strong><br />
public sphere is being denuded by pr<strong>of</strong>essionalised ‘opinion management’ and<br />
<strong>the</strong> partisan forces <strong>of</strong> commercialism. However, attempts to cast all <strong>of</strong> this in<br />
terms <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> public sphere concept encounter several objections. The first<br />
concerns <strong>the</strong> point <strong>of</strong> comparison from which one contends <strong>the</strong>re has been a<br />
decline. If our starting point is <strong>the</strong> 1880s, <strong>the</strong>n we must surely arrive at different<br />
assessments were we to begin with 1980. Moreover, casting a backward glance<br />
over virtually anything but a generation or two, initially at least it does seem odd,<br />
even bizarre, to suggest that a public sphere in, say, <strong>the</strong> late nineteenth century<br />
could be somehow superior to <strong>the</strong> situation pertaining today, since <strong>the</strong>n <strong>the</strong><br />
majority were disenfranchised and huge numbers even lacked <strong>the</strong> literacy to be<br />
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