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Russian Nuclear Weapons: Past, Present, and Future - Strategic ...

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PUTIN AND THE MILITARY DOCTRINE OF 2000<br />

When Vladimir Putin took over as president of<br />

Russia, he faced a military that was in need of just<br />

about everything. Ships did not sail, planes did not<br />

fly, <strong>and</strong> tanks were not in working order. Indeed, the<br />

country did not carry out a single division level exercise<br />

during the 1990s, <strong>and</strong> there were many officers at<br />

the lieutenant colonel <strong>and</strong> colonel level that had not<br />

comm<strong>and</strong>ed an active unit larger than a company.<br />

This lack of military experience would come back to<br />

haunt the <strong>Russian</strong> military, for example, in the war<br />

against Georgia. Meanwhile, Putin took as one of his<br />

primary tasks the stabilizing of the <strong>Russian</strong> military.<br />

After all, Russia was fighting a war in Chechnya, <strong>and</strong><br />

its military problems could not be ignored.<br />

The 2000 Military Doctrine was approved by <strong>Russian</strong><br />

Presidential Edict 706 on April 21, 2000. 19 As it<br />

would on other occasions, the <strong>Russian</strong>s refused to<br />

clarify the issue of a nuclear threshold. The document<br />

made clear that Moscow “keep the right to use nuclear<br />

weapons in response to the use of nuclear weapons<br />

or other WMD [weapons of mass destruction] against<br />

Russia or its allies, as well as in response to large-scale<br />

conventional aggression in critical situations for <strong>Russian</strong><br />

national security.” 20 Given the desperate condition<br />

of its conventional weapons, it is not surprising<br />

that the <strong>Russian</strong>s wanted to preserve freedom of maneuver.<br />

That included the use of nuclear weapons,<br />

even if a conventional war deteriorated badly. In fact,<br />

the <strong>Russian</strong> military included such an option in its exercises—West<br />

99 <strong>and</strong> Autumn 2002. 21 The document<br />

did not resolve the question of which side the Kremlin<br />

should or would favor—nuclear or conventional. Indeed,<br />

if there was anything new in it, it was the recog-<br />

9

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