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Educational Research - the Ethics and Aesthetics of Statistics

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60 N. Grube<br />

precise <strong>and</strong> rational forecast <strong>of</strong> future developments. In addition to <strong>the</strong>se claims,<br />

pollsters have ambitions to educate <strong>the</strong> people. Therefore, as I shall show in <strong>the</strong> last<br />

section, <strong>the</strong>y construe respondents as incomplete beings.<br />

5.1 The Creation <strong>of</strong> National Community: Dewey’s <strong>and</strong> Gallup’s<br />

Ethical Legitimation <strong>of</strong> Social Sciences <strong>and</strong> Polls<br />

Around about 1900, in <strong>the</strong> period that saw <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> empirical social<br />

research, expectations <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> social sciences rose out <strong>of</strong> a desire for social coherence.<br />

In ‘The Public <strong>and</strong> its Problems’ (1927) <strong>the</strong> pragmatist philosopher John Dewey<br />

(1859–1952) worried about <strong>the</strong> eclipse <strong>of</strong> ‘<strong>the</strong> public’. Dewey compared public participation<br />

<strong>and</strong> communication in American mass society with rural 18th century<br />

communities. Writing in <strong>the</strong> spirit <strong>of</strong> historical Romanticism, Dewey is saddened by<br />

<strong>the</strong> gradual disappearance <strong>of</strong> traditional face-to-face communities <strong>and</strong> local neighbourhoods.<br />

He feels that public participation in problem solving is beginning to<br />

fade into <strong>the</strong> e<strong>the</strong>r. At <strong>the</strong> beginning <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 20th century, many people were being<br />

excluded from <strong>the</strong> benefits <strong>of</strong> technological inventions, economic progress <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

self-regulation <strong>of</strong> public affairs. The increasing social anonymity <strong>and</strong> impersonal<br />

voting system weakened <strong>the</strong> will <strong>of</strong> average Americans to engage in public affairs<br />

(Dewey, 1927/1984, pp. 305, 309–311, 319–320). Instead <strong>of</strong> local self-regulation<br />

powerful special interest groups, who exerted a great influence on politicians, businessmen<br />

<strong>and</strong> bureaucratic experts (Dewey, 1927/1984, p. 321; Lippmann, 1915),<br />

governed urban affairs. Like Dewey <strong>the</strong> American journalist <strong>and</strong> political spindoctor<br />

Walter Lippmann (1889–1974), registered <strong>the</strong> alienation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘outsiders’.<br />

The ‘outsiders’ were <strong>the</strong> ‘great mass <strong>of</strong> wage-earners <strong>and</strong> farmers, <strong>of</strong> clerks <strong>and</strong><br />

small managers’. For Lippmann, <strong>the</strong>se groups were alienated from <strong>the</strong> sphere <strong>of</strong><br />

political decision-making. This sphere was dominated by well-informed ‘insiders’<br />

<strong>and</strong> experts (Lippmann, 1915, p. 35). As a consequence <strong>the</strong> ‘necessarily ignorant’<br />

outsiders used <strong>the</strong>ir power as voters only irrationally, sometimes even destructively.<br />

Lippmann (1925, p. 150) complained that such groups were ‘<strong>of</strong>ten meddlesome’.<br />

This fatalistic behaviour endangered <strong>the</strong> necessary mobilisation <strong>of</strong> human resources<br />

necessary for both <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> international <strong>and</strong> economic competition <strong>and</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> drive to make <strong>the</strong> world safe for democracy. Lippmann <strong>and</strong> Dewey accused<br />

<strong>the</strong> mass media <strong>of</strong> seducing <strong>the</strong> masses (Dewey, 1927/1984, pp. 321–322). Media<br />

coverage presented solely selective information, stimulated a prevalent desire for<br />

amusement, entertainment <strong>and</strong> distraction, helped to maintain ignorance all <strong>of</strong> which<br />

led to <strong>the</strong> inability to overview <strong>and</strong> judge complex public affairs (Dewey, 1927/1984,<br />

p. 306; Lippmann, 1925, pp. 43–44).<br />

Both Lippmann <strong>and</strong> Dewey hoped that <strong>the</strong> social sciences could create knowledge<br />

about thoughts <strong>and</strong> attitudes <strong>of</strong> people, <strong>the</strong>ir perceptions <strong>of</strong> diverse society<br />

<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir experiences with complex interdependent aspects <strong>of</strong> modernity. Lippmann<br />

wanted to put social sciences, or at least polls, into <strong>the</strong> service <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> government<br />

for an efficient <strong>and</strong> improving government <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> masses. In post-war Germany,

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