Educational Research - the Ethics and Aesthetics of Statistics

5 Constructing Social Unity and Presenting Clear Predictions 61
Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno (1969, p. 272) and Jürgen Habermas
(1990, p. 321) criticised poll-based governance. They argued that this kind of arcane
policy would endanger and erode democratic participation. In contrast to Lippmann,
Dewey (1927/1984, p. 339; 1939/1988, p. 156) demanded the ‘freedom of social
inquiry’ and ‘full publicity’ for its results and interpretations. The equitable diffusion
of knowledge should establish scientific attitudes as a precondition for the
people to rule public affairs on their own. In Dewey’s view (1927/1984, p. 345) ‘the
communication of the results of social inquiry’ forms public opinion and organises
popular communication that ‘alone can create a great community’ (Dewey,
1927/1984, p. 324; Igo, 2007, p. 282). Communication meant reification of subjective
experiences. Common shared or communicated experiences were the common
ground to integrate individuals into a great community. Finally, Dewey (1939/1988,
pp. 167–168) hoped that the creation of scientific attitudes and school education
would establish social coherence. Deliberative public opinion should depend on
rational comparison and proofs of facts and opinions and not on dogmatic statements
and propagandistic camouflage.
5.2 An Instrument for Democracy? Polls in the Public
and Governmental Sphere
George Gallup followed Dewey’s footsteps. In his 1940 book, The Pulse of
Democracy, Gallup outlined a utopian view of the potential of polls. He maintained
that polling would become the national equivalent of the New England town meeting.
It would give a voice to the views of the common man (Igo, 2007, pp. 121–124;
Converse, 1987/2009, pp. 122–124). In 1940, Gallup presented poll data in reports
that were published up to four times a week in 106 major metropolitan newspapers
across the country. These reports were named ‘America Speaks!’ (Igo, 2007,
p. 117; Raupp, 2007, p. 33; Keller, 2001, p. 38). The programmatic title referred
not only to notions of establishing a democratic community, but first and foremost
to ambitions for creating a new national community. This national ambition
became even more relevant following the entry of the United States into the Second
World War. Then Gallup and other pollsters surveyed the national will and support
for military engagement. At the same time these data were published in order
to show the formation of a national war community (Raupp, 2007). Publishers
and journalists were the pollsters’ first customers. This was also true for another
American pioneer of polling, Elmo Roper (1900–1971), who published data in the
magazine Fortune. It is obvious that the bond between pollsters and the media was
not, as recent studies suggest, formed in the latter part of the 20th century (Kruke,
2007, p. 495). Like Gallup and Roper in America, West-German leading poll agencies
such as EMNID, Infratest or the Allensbach Institute often published their
data in magazines, newspapers, journals, and books from the late 1940s onwards
(Bacherer, 1987; Noelle & Neumann, 1956; Köcher, 2010). Allensbach (1969) was
the first institute that cooperated with a German TV channel (Zweites Deutsches