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Conclusions<br />

Entwistle and his colleagues have spent almost<br />

30 years refining the validity and reliability of their<br />

inventories to arrive at items that have reasonable<br />

predictive validity. They acknowledge the tendency<br />

for detailed, continuous refinements to make technical<br />

constructs less credible and less easy to use by<br />

researchers outside educational psychology. They have<br />

therefore supplemented their analysis of approaches<br />

to <strong>learning</strong> with data from qualitative studies to explore<br />

the consistency and variability of <strong>learning</strong> approaches<br />

within specific contexts (see McCune and Entwistle<br />

2000; Entwistle and Walker 2000). In this respect,<br />

their methodology and the data their studies have<br />

produced offer a rich, authentic account of <strong>learning</strong><br />

in higher education.<br />

However, one feature of a positivist methodology,<br />

which aims for precise measures of psychometric<br />

traits, is that items proliferate in order to try to capture<br />

the nuances of approaches to <strong>learning</strong>. There are other<br />

limitations to quantitative measures of approaches<br />

to <strong>learning</strong>. For example, apparently robust<br />

classifications of meaning and reproduction<br />

orientations in a questionnaire are shown to be less<br />

valid when interviews are used with the same students.<br />

Richardson (1997) argued that interviews by Marton<br />

and Säljö show deep and surface approaches as<br />

different categories or forms of understanding, or as<br />

a single bipolar dimension along which individuals<br />

may vary. In contrast, questionnaires operationalise<br />

these approaches as separate scales that turn out<br />

to be essentially orthogonal to each other; a student<br />

may therefore score high or low on both. According<br />

to Richardson, this difference highlights the need for<br />

researchers to differentiate between methods that<br />

aim to reveal average and general dispositions within<br />

a group and those that aim to explain the subtlety<br />

of individuals’ actions and motives.<br />

Despite attempts to reflect the complexity<br />

of environmental factors affecting students’ approaches<br />

to <strong>learning</strong> and studying, the model does not discuss<br />

the impact of broader factors such as class, race<br />

and gender. Although the model takes some account<br />

of intensifying political and institutional pressures<br />

in higher education, such as quality assurance<br />

and funding, sociological influences on participation<br />

and attitudes to <strong>learning</strong> are not encompassed<br />

by Entwistle’s model.<br />

There is also confusion over the theoretical basis<br />

for constructs in the ASI and ASSIST and subsequent<br />

interpretation of them in external evaluations.<br />

Two contrasting research traditions create these<br />

constructs: information processing in cognitive<br />

psychology; and qualitative interpretation of students’<br />

approaches to <strong>learning</strong>. Outside the work of Entwistle<br />

and his colleagues, a proliferation of instruments<br />

and scales, based on the original measure (the ASI),<br />

has led to the merging of constructs from both research<br />

traditions. Unless there is discussion of the original<br />

traditions from which the constructs came, the result<br />

is a growing lack of theoretical clarity in the field<br />

as a whole (Biggs 1993). Entwistle and his colleagues<br />

have themselves warned of this problem and provided<br />

an overview of the conceptions of <strong>learning</strong>, their<br />

history within the ‘approaches to <strong>learning</strong>’ model<br />

and how different inventories such as those of<br />

Entwistle and Vermunt relate to each other (Entwistle<br />

and McCune 2003).<br />

There are a number of strengths in Entwistle’s work.<br />

For example, he has shown that ecological validity is<br />

essential to prevent a tendency to label and stereotype<br />

students when psychological theory is translated into<br />

the practice of non-specialists. The issue of ecological<br />

validity illuminates an important point for our review<br />

as a whole, namely that the expertise and knowledge<br />

of non-specialists are both context-specific and<br />

idiosyncratic and this affects their ability to evaluate<br />

claims and ideas about a particular model of <strong>learning</strong><br />

<strong>styles</strong>. High ecological validity makes a model<br />

or instrument much more accessible to non-specialists.<br />

Entwistle’s work has also aimed to simplify the diverse<br />

and sometimes contradictory factors in students’<br />

approaches to studying and <strong>learning</strong>, and to offer<br />

a theoretical rationale for them. He has attempted<br />

to reconcile ideas about the stability of <strong>learning</strong><br />

<strong>styles</strong> with the idea that approaches are idiosyncratic<br />

and fluctuating and affected by complex <strong>learning</strong><br />

environments. His work highlights the need for<br />

researchers to relate analysis and theoretical<br />

constructs to the everyday experience of teachers<br />

and students, and to make their constructs accessible<br />

(see also Laurillard 1979).

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