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Finally, Kolb is concerned about the growing<br />

specialisation in US higher education and does not<br />

want students to be equipped only with the <strong>learning</strong><br />

<strong>styles</strong> appropriate for particular careers. Instead,<br />

he argues for ‘integrative development’, where students<br />

become highly competent in all four <strong>learning</strong> modes:<br />

active, reflective, abstract and concrete (see Kolb et al.<br />

1986 on integrative <strong>learning</strong> for managers). So Kolb’s<br />

aim is to produce balanced learners with a full range<br />

of <strong>learning</strong> capacities, rather than simply matching<br />

instruction to existing <strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong>.<br />

Empirical evidence for pedagogical impact<br />

The literature on <strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong> contains many<br />

discussions of the significance and relevance of Kolb’s<br />

theory and practical concerns for pedagogy (eg Claxton<br />

and Murrell 1987; Sharp 1997). Unfortunately, that<br />

section of the literature which consists of experimental<br />

studies of the fit between <strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong> and teaching<br />

methods is rather small, the size of the samples<br />

is not large, and the findings are contradictory and<br />

inconclusive. Some studies – some negative and others<br />

more supportive – will now be described to give a flavour<br />

of the range. Sugarman, for example, views Kolb’s<br />

theory of experiential <strong>learning</strong> ‘as a model of effective<br />

teaching’ (1985, 264). She also raises the interesting<br />

question as to whether all courses should begin with<br />

concrete experience as this is the first stage in Kolb’s<br />

<strong>learning</strong> cycle and he claims that the most effective<br />

<strong>learning</strong> emanates from personal experiences.<br />

Such a proposal may run up against the expectations<br />

of students, but unfortunately there is no testing of the<br />

idea by Sugarman.<br />

Empirical investigations of the relationship between<br />

<strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong> and teaching methods have, however,<br />

produced some surprising findings. McNeal and Dwyer<br />

(1999), for instance, used Kolb’s LSI to ascertain<br />

the <strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong> of 154 US nursing students who<br />

were then assigned either to a group where the teaching<br />

agreed with their <strong>learning</strong> style, or where it did not,<br />

or to a control group. The hypothesis was that teaching<br />

which was consistent with the <strong>learning</strong> style of the<br />

learners would enhance their <strong>learning</strong>, but no<br />

significant differences were found in the achievement<br />

of the three groups.<br />

Similarly, Buch and Bartley (2002, 7) administered<br />

both Kolb’s LSI and a new instrument devised<br />

by the authors – the Preferred Delivery Mode<br />

Self-Assessment – to 165 employees in a large<br />

US financial institution. The workers had to choose<br />

between five different teaching methods – computer,<br />

TV, print, audio or classroom. Buch and Bartley’s<br />

review of research into the relationship between<br />

<strong>learning</strong> style and training delivery mode led them<br />

to hypothesise that accommodators and convergers<br />

would prefer computers, divergers would prefer<br />

classrooms and assimilators would choose print.<br />

The results, however, showed that ‘all learners,<br />

regardless of <strong>learning</strong> style, prefer the traditional<br />

approach to <strong>learning</strong>, face-to-face classroom delivery’<br />

(2002, 9). Was this because the workers felt more<br />

comfortable with a teaching method which they<br />

had known since early childhood? Or did they prefer<br />

the classroom to modern technology for social<br />

reasons, or because they did not want to be challenged<br />

by new methods? No definitive answers are provided<br />

by the study.<br />

Another study explored the interesting question:<br />

would knowledge of <strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong> and the provision<br />

of ‘prescriptive study strategies’ improve the academic<br />

achievement of adult graduate students? Ehrhard<br />

(2000) explored this hypothesis with 148 students: they<br />

were divided into an experimental group, who were sent<br />

a personalised <strong>learning</strong> profile and study strategies that<br />

were appropriate for their <strong>learning</strong> type, and a control<br />

group who received nothing. The scores for the two<br />

groups were similar. So knowledge of <strong>learning</strong> style<br />

backed up by some supportive advice did not appear,<br />

in this case, to be sufficient to improve <strong>learning</strong>.<br />

On the other hand, students who were given Kolb’s<br />

theory and LSI as a framework to discuss their <strong>learning</strong>,<br />

often reported an ‘increased sense of self-esteem<br />

and self-understanding’ (Mark and Menson, quoted<br />

by Claxton and Murrell 1987, 31).<br />

More positively still, Katz (1990) in a quasi-experimental<br />

study of 44 occupational therapy students in the<br />

US and 50 in Israel, hypothesised that students<br />

whose <strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong> matched the teaching method<br />

would perform better (ie more effectively) and would<br />

need less time to study outside class (ie more<br />

efficiently). The findings in both countries supported<br />

the premise that ‘the better the match is between<br />

students’ individual characteristics and instructional<br />

components, the more effective or efficient the <strong>learning</strong><br />

program is’ (Katz 1990, 233). But even this conclusion<br />

needed to be qualified as it applied only to higher-order<br />

cognitive outcomes and not to basic knowledge.

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