learning-styles
learning-styles
learning-styles
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LSRC reference Section 6<br />
page 68/69<br />
Further support is provided by Sein and Robey (1991)<br />
who administered Kolb’s LSI to 80 undergraduate<br />
computer students in the US and then assigned them<br />
randomly to one of two different training methods.<br />
The results appear to indicate that ‘performance can<br />
be enhanced by tailoring instructional methods to<br />
accommodate individual preferences in <strong>learning</strong> style’<br />
(1991, 246). However, no control group was used<br />
and no indication was given of the size of the effect.<br />
How is one to make sense of such conflicting evidence,<br />
based as it is on rather small samples? Fortunately,<br />
there are two reviews of the literature which provide<br />
a little help. Cavanagh and Coffin evaluated the<br />
literature on ‘matching’ and found ‘relatively little<br />
empirical work to indicate the exact nature and<br />
magnitude of the change that can be expected in<br />
a student’s <strong>learning</strong>’ (1994, 109). The age of the learner<br />
appears to be crucial, as there was evidence that<br />
matching improved academic performance in primary<br />
education in the US; but the evidence in higher<br />
education generally, and in nursing more particularly,<br />
was inconclusive. Crucially, they concluded that little<br />
is known about the interaction of <strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong><br />
with organisational and resource issues. Their advice<br />
(1994, 109) is that ‘just varying delivery style may not<br />
be enough and … the unit of analysis must be the<br />
individual rather than the group’.<br />
The second, more recent, review by Smith, Sekar<br />
and Townsend found that: ‘For each research study<br />
supporting the principle of matching instructional<br />
style and <strong>learning</strong> style, there is a study rejecting the<br />
matching hypothesis’ (2002, 411). Indeed, they found<br />
eight studies supporting and eight studies rejecting<br />
the ‘matching’ hypothesis, which is based on the<br />
assumption that <strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong>, if not a fixed<br />
characteristic of the person, are at least relatively<br />
stable over time. Kolb’s views at least are clear: rather<br />
than confining learners to their preferred style, he<br />
advocates stretching their <strong>learning</strong> capabilities in other<br />
<strong>learning</strong> modes. Grasha (1984) reviewed the literature<br />
on matching and concluded that no single dimension<br />
of learners should dictate teaching methods.<br />
Conclusion<br />
In a recent article, Mainemelis, Boyatzis and Kolb<br />
(2002) summarise the evidence for and against<br />
the LSI by reference to two unpublished doctoral<br />
dissertations in the US. The first, by Hickox, analysed<br />
81 studies and concluded that ‘overall 61.7 per cent<br />
of the studies supported the Experiential Learning<br />
Theory (ELT), 16.1 per cent showed mixed support<br />
and 22.2 per cent did not support ELT’ (cited by<br />
Mainemelis, Boyatzis and Kolb 2002, 12). The second<br />
meta-analysis by Iliff of 101 quantitative studies found<br />
that ‘49 studies showed strong support for the LSI,<br />
40 showed mixed support and 12 studies showed<br />
no support’ (cited by Mainemelis, Boyatzis and<br />
Kolb 2002, 12). Iliff also concluded that the balance<br />
of the evidence suggested that the statistical standards<br />
set for predictive validity had not been met by the<br />
LSI, while recognising that the LSI was developed as<br />
a self-assessment exercise and not as a predictive test.<br />
It seems difficult, if not impossible, to move beyond this<br />
continuing debate, with some researchers advocating<br />
the use of the LSI, and others denouncing it, while<br />
still others (eg Loo 1999) recognise the weaknesses<br />
of the instrument, and at the same time, argue for its<br />
usefulness as a pedagogical tool.<br />
In response to earlier criticism, Kolb (2000) claims<br />
that the latest version of the LSI has further improved<br />
the test–retest reliability, but as yet there is no<br />
independent body of evidence to confirm or deny that<br />
statement. In the meantime, Kolb and his associates<br />
have developed two new instruments: the Adaptive<br />
Style Inventory (ASI) which aims to measure flexibility<br />
in <strong>learning</strong> – ‘the degree to which individuals change<br />
their <strong>learning</strong> style to respond to different <strong>learning</strong><br />
situations in their life’ (Mainemelis, Boyatzis and<br />
Kolb 2002, 11); and the Learning Skills Profile (LSP) –<br />
to assess levels of skill development in interpersonal,<br />
information, analytical and behavioural skills. This<br />
latest instrument (LSP) means that <strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong> must<br />
now be distinguished from <strong>learning</strong> skills. According<br />
to Kolb (2000, 50), the former are the ways we prefer<br />
to absorb and incorporate new information, while<br />
the latter are more situational and subject to intentional<br />
development: ‘A skill is a combination of ability,<br />
knowledge and experience that enables a person to do<br />
something well’. Despite this recent surge of creativity,<br />
it is still difficult to resist the conclusion that the<br />
statistical sophistication used to analyse the data<br />
is not matched by the theoretical sophistication used<br />
to improve the concept of <strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong>.