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LSRC reference Section 6<br />

page 68/69<br />

Further support is provided by Sein and Robey (1991)<br />

who administered Kolb’s LSI to 80 undergraduate<br />

computer students in the US and then assigned them<br />

randomly to one of two different training methods.<br />

The results appear to indicate that ‘performance can<br />

be enhanced by tailoring instructional methods to<br />

accommodate individual preferences in <strong>learning</strong> style’<br />

(1991, 246). However, no control group was used<br />

and no indication was given of the size of the effect.<br />

How is one to make sense of such conflicting evidence,<br />

based as it is on rather small samples? Fortunately,<br />

there are two reviews of the literature which provide<br />

a little help. Cavanagh and Coffin evaluated the<br />

literature on ‘matching’ and found ‘relatively little<br />

empirical work to indicate the exact nature and<br />

magnitude of the change that can be expected in<br />

a student’s <strong>learning</strong>’ (1994, 109). The age of the learner<br />

appears to be crucial, as there was evidence that<br />

matching improved academic performance in primary<br />

education in the US; but the evidence in higher<br />

education generally, and in nursing more particularly,<br />

was inconclusive. Crucially, they concluded that little<br />

is known about the interaction of <strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong><br />

with organisational and resource issues. Their advice<br />

(1994, 109) is that ‘just varying delivery style may not<br />

be enough and … the unit of analysis must be the<br />

individual rather than the group’.<br />

The second, more recent, review by Smith, Sekar<br />

and Townsend found that: ‘For each research study<br />

supporting the principle of matching instructional<br />

style and <strong>learning</strong> style, there is a study rejecting the<br />

matching hypothesis’ (2002, 411). Indeed, they found<br />

eight studies supporting and eight studies rejecting<br />

the ‘matching’ hypothesis, which is based on the<br />

assumption that <strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong>, if not a fixed<br />

characteristic of the person, are at least relatively<br />

stable over time. Kolb’s views at least are clear: rather<br />

than confining learners to their preferred style, he<br />

advocates stretching their <strong>learning</strong> capabilities in other<br />

<strong>learning</strong> modes. Grasha (1984) reviewed the literature<br />

on matching and concluded that no single dimension<br />

of learners should dictate teaching methods.<br />

Conclusion<br />

In a recent article, Mainemelis, Boyatzis and Kolb<br />

(2002) summarise the evidence for and against<br />

the LSI by reference to two unpublished doctoral<br />

dissertations in the US. The first, by Hickox, analysed<br />

81 studies and concluded that ‘overall 61.7 per cent<br />

of the studies supported the Experiential Learning<br />

Theory (ELT), 16.1 per cent showed mixed support<br />

and 22.2 per cent did not support ELT’ (cited by<br />

Mainemelis, Boyatzis and Kolb 2002, 12). The second<br />

meta-analysis by Iliff of 101 quantitative studies found<br />

that ‘49 studies showed strong support for the LSI,<br />

40 showed mixed support and 12 studies showed<br />

no support’ (cited by Mainemelis, Boyatzis and<br />

Kolb 2002, 12). Iliff also concluded that the balance<br />

of the evidence suggested that the statistical standards<br />

set for predictive validity had not been met by the<br />

LSI, while recognising that the LSI was developed as<br />

a self-assessment exercise and not as a predictive test.<br />

It seems difficult, if not impossible, to move beyond this<br />

continuing debate, with some researchers advocating<br />

the use of the LSI, and others denouncing it, while<br />

still others (eg Loo 1999) recognise the weaknesses<br />

of the instrument, and at the same time, argue for its<br />

usefulness as a pedagogical tool.<br />

In response to earlier criticism, Kolb (2000) claims<br />

that the latest version of the LSI has further improved<br />

the test–retest reliability, but as yet there is no<br />

independent body of evidence to confirm or deny that<br />

statement. In the meantime, Kolb and his associates<br />

have developed two new instruments: the Adaptive<br />

Style Inventory (ASI) which aims to measure flexibility<br />

in <strong>learning</strong> – ‘the degree to which individuals change<br />

their <strong>learning</strong> style to respond to different <strong>learning</strong><br />

situations in their life’ (Mainemelis, Boyatzis and<br />

Kolb 2002, 11); and the Learning Skills Profile (LSP) –<br />

to assess levels of skill development in interpersonal,<br />

information, analytical and behavioural skills. This<br />

latest instrument (LSP) means that <strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong> must<br />

now be distinguished from <strong>learning</strong> skills. According<br />

to Kolb (2000, 50), the former are the ways we prefer<br />

to absorb and incorporate new information, while<br />

the latter are more situational and subject to intentional<br />

development: ‘A skill is a combination of ability,<br />

knowledge and experience that enables a person to do<br />

something well’. Despite this recent surge of creativity,<br />

it is still difficult to resist the conclusion that the<br />

statistical sophistication used to analyse the data<br />

is not matched by the theoretical sophistication used<br />

to improve the concept of <strong>learning</strong> <strong>styles</strong>.

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