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THANOS DOKOS, THEODORE TSAKIRIS<br />
112<br />
ENERGY-RELATED PROJECTS CAN BE<br />
INSTRUMENTAL IN GREECE’S EFFORT TO REPAIR<br />
ITS IMAGE, REGAIN A LEADING ROLE IN THE<br />
REGION, INCREASE ITS INFLUENCE, ACCUMULATE<br />
‘DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL’, AND BOOST ECONOMIC<br />
GROWTH IN THE MEDIUM- TO LONG-TERM.<br />
assume that all the main ideas, options<br />
and scenarios for addressing<br />
bilateral issues have been discussed<br />
in the context of such deliberations,<br />
Turkey has adamantly opposed any<br />
discussion of the delimitation of the<br />
respective exclusive economic zones<br />
of the two countries. Furthermore,<br />
both sides currently have other domestic<br />
and foreign policy priorities<br />
(especially in view of the arc of crisis<br />
extending from Ukraine to Mashrek<br />
and the Persian Gulf). Moreover, the<br />
relative stability and predictability<br />
of their bilateral relations allow<br />
them to put the resolution of bilateral<br />
differences on the back burner.<br />
It should be noted, though, that Turkey’s<br />
non-recognition of the Republic<br />
of Cyprus - whose EEZ borders<br />
the respective zones of both Turkey<br />
and Greece - seriously complicates<br />
the situation.<br />
Second, the importance of potential<br />
hydrocarbon deposits for economic<br />
recovery and national energy security<br />
in the minds of Greek decision-makers<br />
cannot be emphasised<br />
enough. Greece will claim any substantial<br />
deposits in her maritime<br />
zones, as defined by the international<br />
law of the sea. No Greek government<br />
- irrespective of ideological<br />
orientation -can afford to neglect<br />
that course of action. To achieve that<br />
goal, Greece will use a variety of political<br />
and diplomatic means, including<br />
cooperation with countries and<br />
companies with similar interests. In<br />
this context, the concept of common<br />
EU maritime policy and maritime<br />
zones will also be used, despite its<br />
(currently) largely symbolic value.<br />
But Greece will also emphasise the<br />
importance of potential hydrocarbon<br />
discoveries for European energy<br />
security, along with the existing and<br />
possible new discoveries in the EEZs<br />
of Cyprus and Israel.<br />
Third, problems with neighbouring<br />
countries around the exploration<br />
of hydrocarbons may only arise if<br />
substantial deposits are discovered<br />
in disputed areas. Even then, however,<br />
the international law of the sea<br />
offers mutually satisfactory solutions,<br />
and more importantly, allow<br />
them to sell such an agreement to<br />
their respective publics. A necessary<br />
precondition would of course be<br />
relevant political will and the adherence<br />
to UNCLOS. Greece may not, in<br />
principle, be opposed to “win-win”<br />
solutions, even including joint exploitation<br />
of resources, provided, of<br />
course, that issues of borders and<br />
ownership have been settled in advance.<br />
In addition, Greece will likely try to<br />
enlarge its footprint on the energy<br />
map through other projects, in addition<br />
to the exploitation of potential<br />
hydrocarbons deposits in various<br />
parts of the country, notably in<br />
Western Greece and the maritime<br />
areas south of Crete. In a difficult period<br />
for Greece, such energy projects<br />
provide an excellent opportunity for<br />
diplomatic and economic gains.<br />
EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN<br />
HYDROCARBONS<br />
The discovery of significant natural<br />
gas deposits in the exclusive economic<br />
zones of Israel and Cyprus<br />
and the prospective deposits of the<br />
Levant Basin may provide an additional<br />
energy source outside the<br />
former Soviet space and the Middle<br />
East proper, thereby contributing<br />
to the diversification of Europe’s<br />
natural gas supplies. Although the