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Caspian Report - Issue: 08 - Fall 2014

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THANOS DOKOS, THEODORE TSAKIRIS<br />

112<br />

ENERGY-RELATED PROJECTS CAN BE<br />

INSTRUMENTAL IN GREECE’S EFFORT TO REPAIR<br />

ITS IMAGE, REGAIN A LEADING ROLE IN THE<br />

REGION, INCREASE ITS INFLUENCE, ACCUMULATE<br />

‘DIPLOMATIC CAPITAL’, AND BOOST ECONOMIC<br />

GROWTH IN THE MEDIUM- TO LONG-TERM.<br />

assume that all the main ideas, options<br />

and scenarios for addressing<br />

bilateral issues have been discussed<br />

in the context of such deliberations,<br />

Turkey has adamantly opposed any<br />

discussion of the delimitation of the<br />

respective exclusive economic zones<br />

of the two countries. Furthermore,<br />

both sides currently have other domestic<br />

and foreign policy priorities<br />

(especially in view of the arc of crisis<br />

extending from Ukraine to Mashrek<br />

and the Persian Gulf). Moreover, the<br />

relative stability and predictability<br />

of their bilateral relations allow<br />

them to put the resolution of bilateral<br />

differences on the back burner.<br />

It should be noted, though, that Turkey’s<br />

non-recognition of the Republic<br />

of Cyprus - whose EEZ borders<br />

the respective zones of both Turkey<br />

and Greece - seriously complicates<br />

the situation.<br />

Second, the importance of potential<br />

hydrocarbon deposits for economic<br />

recovery and national energy security<br />

in the minds of Greek decision-makers<br />

cannot be emphasised<br />

enough. Greece will claim any substantial<br />

deposits in her maritime<br />

zones, as defined by the international<br />

law of the sea. No Greek government<br />

- irrespective of ideological<br />

orientation -can afford to neglect<br />

that course of action. To achieve that<br />

goal, Greece will use a variety of political<br />

and diplomatic means, including<br />

cooperation with countries and<br />

companies with similar interests. In<br />

this context, the concept of common<br />

EU maritime policy and maritime<br />

zones will also be used, despite its<br />

(currently) largely symbolic value.<br />

But Greece will also emphasise the<br />

importance of potential hydrocarbon<br />

discoveries for European energy<br />

security, along with the existing and<br />

possible new discoveries in the EEZs<br />

of Cyprus and Israel.<br />

Third, problems with neighbouring<br />

countries around the exploration<br />

of hydrocarbons may only arise if<br />

substantial deposits are discovered<br />

in disputed areas. Even then, however,<br />

the international law of the sea<br />

offers mutually satisfactory solutions,<br />

and more importantly, allow<br />

them to sell such an agreement to<br />

their respective publics. A necessary<br />

precondition would of course be<br />

relevant political will and the adherence<br />

to UNCLOS. Greece may not, in<br />

principle, be opposed to “win-win”<br />

solutions, even including joint exploitation<br />

of resources, provided, of<br />

course, that issues of borders and<br />

ownership have been settled in advance.<br />

In addition, Greece will likely try to<br />

enlarge its footprint on the energy<br />

map through other projects, in addition<br />

to the exploitation of potential<br />

hydrocarbons deposits in various<br />

parts of the country, notably in<br />

Western Greece and the maritime<br />

areas south of Crete. In a difficult period<br />

for Greece, such energy projects<br />

provide an excellent opportunity for<br />

diplomatic and economic gains.<br />

EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN<br />

HYDROCARBONS<br />

The discovery of significant natural<br />

gas deposits in the exclusive economic<br />

zones of Israel and Cyprus<br />

and the prospective deposits of the<br />

Levant Basin may provide an additional<br />

energy source outside the<br />

former Soviet space and the Middle<br />

East proper, thereby contributing<br />

to the diversification of Europe’s<br />

natural gas supplies. Although the

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