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tive energy sources, as a threat to<br />
its strategic interests. The Kremlin’s<br />
desire to maintain its political influence<br />
over the post-Soviet countries<br />
may well be rooted in sentiment,<br />
though it would be naïve though<br />
to believe that Moscow’s economic<br />
interests are not the major motivation.<br />
The Eurasian Union initiative,<br />
President Putin’s major current project,<br />
which envisions a trade bloc<br />
between the post-Soviet countries,<br />
only strengthens this notion. 32 In<br />
this context, economic and political<br />
engagement by Western players in<br />
the post-Soviet space means further<br />
alienation from Russia and more<br />
political and economic independence<br />
for those countries. Alternative<br />
energy routes not only pose a threat<br />
to Russia’s economic interests as<br />
major supplier of the Union, but also<br />
create conditions for intensified engagement<br />
by Western countries in<br />
South Caucasus, a part of the world<br />
that Putin believes to be the sphere<br />
of Russian influence. 33 Moreover, it<br />
also underpins relations with Turkey<br />
34 – another ambitious regional<br />
power with good relations with<br />
Georgia and Azerbaijan. More precisely,<br />
even though the Southern Gas<br />
Corridor does not jeopardise Russia’s<br />
position as the main supplier<br />
in Central and Southeast Europe in<br />
its initial stages, given its long-term<br />
capabilities and its potential impact<br />
on regional orientation toward the<br />
West, the Kremlin’s actual perception<br />
may be very different. 35 The fact<br />
that Moscow is not ignoring such<br />
“threats” became more than obvious<br />
in August 20<strong>08</strong>, where Russia took<br />
military action, to many, against<br />
NATO’s enlargement and Georgia’s<br />
European and Euro Atlantic Integration.<br />
36 As the most recent example of<br />
Moscow flexing its political and military<br />
muscle against the European<br />
integration of Russia’s neighbouring<br />
countries is seen in the Ukrainian<br />
crisis and the subsequent annexa-<br />
65<br />
32.<br />
See also Andrey Gurkov, “Eurasian Union: Putin’s Answer to the EU”, May <strong>2014</strong>, http://www.<br />
dw.de/eurasian-union-putins-answer-to-the-eu/a-17669138<br />
33.<br />
Andrew E. Kramer, “Russia claims its Sphere of Influence”, NYT, August 20<strong>08</strong>, http://www.<br />
nytimes.com/20<strong>08</strong>/09/01/world/europe/01russia.html_r=0<br />
34.<br />
Tracy C. German, “Corridor of Power: The Caucasus and Energy Security, Caucasian Review of<br />
International Affairs, Spring 20<strong>08</strong>, Vol.2 (2), p.70<br />
35.<br />
German describes: “some Russian observers (citing Zhil’tsov et al) have described the issue of<br />
pipelines in the <strong>Caspian</strong> region as a “battle for domination”, particularly the US, which is seeking<br />
to accelerate economic isolation of former Soviet republics from Russia…the battle between<br />
Russia on the one hand and Turkey, Azerbaijan and the US on the other, over the transport of oil<br />
from the <strong>Caspian</strong> region is not just about securing transit revenues, it is predominately about<br />
securing geopolitical influence in the region” further stating that the analysis would highlight<br />
“the suspicion with which Moscow regards growing western influence in the Caucasus and<br />
<strong>Caspian</strong> region. Tracy C. German, “Corridor of Power: The Caucasus and Energy Security,<br />
Caucasian Review of International Affairs, Spring 20<strong>08</strong>, Vol.2 (2), p.70<br />
CASPIAN REPORT, FALL <strong>2014</strong><br />
36.<br />
George Friedman describes NATO’s enlargement concept by the US and EU as a move that<br />
Moscow understands as their strategy to “encircle and break Russia”, especially while trying to<br />
include in this concept Georgia and Ukraine, further arguing that Russia’s invasion in Georgia<br />
in 20<strong>08</strong> was nothing but an attempt to “reestablish the Russian sphere of Influence in the<br />
Former Soviet Union region”, implying that Moscow’s goal was to keep the west out of its<br />
own “Sphere of Influence”, George Friedman, “The Russo – Georgian War and the Balance<br />
of Power, STRATFOR, August 2012, http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/russo_georgian_<br />
war_and_balance_power#axzz35lmn7LGM. This Notion is further strengthened by the<br />
statement of the then Russian President, Dimitry Medvedev that by invading Georgia Russia<br />
had halted NATO’s eastward expansion (http://en.ria.ru/russia/20111121/168901195.html).<br />
Peter Beaumont, “Russia makes latest high-risk move to keep pieces of its “near abroad”<br />
in check, The Observer, March <strong>2014</strong>, http://www.theguardian.com/world/<strong>2014</strong>/mar/02/<br />
russia-moves-keep-near-abroad-soviet-states-in-check