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Caspian Report - Issue: 08 - Fall 2014

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tive energy sources, as a threat to<br />

its strategic interests. The Kremlin’s<br />

desire to maintain its political influence<br />

over the post-Soviet countries<br />

may well be rooted in sentiment,<br />

though it would be naïve though<br />

to believe that Moscow’s economic<br />

interests are not the major motivation.<br />

The Eurasian Union initiative,<br />

President Putin’s major current project,<br />

which envisions a trade bloc<br />

between the post-Soviet countries,<br />

only strengthens this notion. 32 In<br />

this context, economic and political<br />

engagement by Western players in<br />

the post-Soviet space means further<br />

alienation from Russia and more<br />

political and economic independence<br />

for those countries. Alternative<br />

energy routes not only pose a threat<br />

to Russia’s economic interests as<br />

major supplier of the Union, but also<br />

create conditions for intensified engagement<br />

by Western countries in<br />

South Caucasus, a part of the world<br />

that Putin believes to be the sphere<br />

of Russian influence. 33 Moreover, it<br />

also underpins relations with Turkey<br />

34 – another ambitious regional<br />

power with good relations with<br />

Georgia and Azerbaijan. More precisely,<br />

even though the Southern Gas<br />

Corridor does not jeopardise Russia’s<br />

position as the main supplier<br />

in Central and Southeast Europe in<br />

its initial stages, given its long-term<br />

capabilities and its potential impact<br />

on regional orientation toward the<br />

West, the Kremlin’s actual perception<br />

may be very different. 35 The fact<br />

that Moscow is not ignoring such<br />

“threats” became more than obvious<br />

in August 20<strong>08</strong>, where Russia took<br />

military action, to many, against<br />

NATO’s enlargement and Georgia’s<br />

European and Euro Atlantic Integration.<br />

36 As the most recent example of<br />

Moscow flexing its political and military<br />

muscle against the European<br />

integration of Russia’s neighbouring<br />

countries is seen in the Ukrainian<br />

crisis and the subsequent annexa-<br />

65<br />

32.<br />

See also Andrey Gurkov, “Eurasian Union: Putin’s Answer to the EU”, May <strong>2014</strong>, http://www.<br />

dw.de/eurasian-union-putins-answer-to-the-eu/a-17669138<br />

33.<br />

Andrew E. Kramer, “Russia claims its Sphere of Influence”, NYT, August 20<strong>08</strong>, http://www.<br />

nytimes.com/20<strong>08</strong>/09/01/world/europe/01russia.html_r=0<br />

34.<br />

Tracy C. German, “Corridor of Power: The Caucasus and Energy Security, Caucasian Review of<br />

International Affairs, Spring 20<strong>08</strong>, Vol.2 (2), p.70<br />

35.<br />

German describes: “some Russian observers (citing Zhil’tsov et al) have described the issue of<br />

pipelines in the <strong>Caspian</strong> region as a “battle for domination”, particularly the US, which is seeking<br />

to accelerate economic isolation of former Soviet republics from Russia…the battle between<br />

Russia on the one hand and Turkey, Azerbaijan and the US on the other, over the transport of oil<br />

from the <strong>Caspian</strong> region is not just about securing transit revenues, it is predominately about<br />

securing geopolitical influence in the region” further stating that the analysis would highlight<br />

“the suspicion with which Moscow regards growing western influence in the Caucasus and<br />

<strong>Caspian</strong> region. Tracy C. German, “Corridor of Power: The Caucasus and Energy Security,<br />

Caucasian Review of International Affairs, Spring 20<strong>08</strong>, Vol.2 (2), p.70<br />

CASPIAN REPORT, FALL <strong>2014</strong><br />

36.<br />

George Friedman describes NATO’s enlargement concept by the US and EU as a move that<br />

Moscow understands as their strategy to “encircle and break Russia”, especially while trying to<br />

include in this concept Georgia and Ukraine, further arguing that Russia’s invasion in Georgia<br />

in 20<strong>08</strong> was nothing but an attempt to “reestablish the Russian sphere of Influence in the<br />

Former Soviet Union region”, implying that Moscow’s goal was to keep the west out of its<br />

own “Sphere of Influence”, George Friedman, “The Russo – Georgian War and the Balance<br />

of Power, STRATFOR, August 2012, http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/russo_georgian_<br />

war_and_balance_power#axzz35lmn7LGM. This Notion is further strengthened by the<br />

statement of the then Russian President, Dimitry Medvedev that by invading Georgia Russia<br />

had halted NATO’s eastward expansion (http://en.ria.ru/russia/20111121/168901195.html).<br />

Peter Beaumont, “Russia makes latest high-risk move to keep pieces of its “near abroad”<br />

in check, The Observer, March <strong>2014</strong>, http://www.theguardian.com/world/<strong>2014</strong>/mar/02/<br />

russia-moves-keep-near-abroad-soviet-states-in-check

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