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NINO KALANDADZE<br />
64<br />
There are benefits for supplier and<br />
transit countries as well, most notably<br />
for the South Caucasian non-<br />
EU, non-NATO member states such<br />
as Azerbaijan and Georgia. These<br />
post-Soviet states were dependent<br />
on Russian pipelines throughout<br />
the Soviet Union both for exporting<br />
and importing gas for domestic consumption.<br />
This significantly undermining<br />
their political and economic<br />
autonomy, and provided Moscow<br />
with additional leverage. This situation<br />
underwent a major shift with<br />
the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) oil<br />
pipeline, which delivers Azerbaijani<br />
oil through Georgia to Turkey. 29 In<br />
addition, since 2006, Georgia’s domestic<br />
needs have been met almost<br />
exclusively by gas from Azerbaijan,<br />
with no further reliance upon Russian<br />
supply. 30 The Southern Gas<br />
Corridor will further contribute to<br />
the region’s political and economic<br />
independence. Azerbaijan, as the<br />
supplier, will reach European markets,<br />
while Georgia and Turkey will<br />
benefit from “Russia-free” supplies<br />
as well as substantial revenues as<br />
transit countries. Moreover, since<br />
good infrastructure and unimpeded<br />
delivery will be of major importance<br />
to all parties involved, the construction<br />
of a new corridor will inevitably<br />
require even closer cooperation between<br />
the Georgia, Azerbaijan and<br />
Turkey on the one hand and the EU<br />
on the other. This can only strengthen<br />
regional political and economic<br />
ties, boosting further engagement<br />
by western Allies in the region,<br />
strengthening their economic and<br />
political independence from Moscow.<br />
This represents great opportunities<br />
for European energy security, as<br />
well as the for long term economic<br />
security and stability of the region.<br />
However, there are also risks. The<br />
Caucasus region is currently host<br />
to several political, economic and<br />
ethnic instabilities. Most importantly<br />
the so-called frozen conflicts,<br />
military occupation and substantial<br />
uncontrolled armed presence of a<br />
foreign country make the region<br />
particularly vulnerable and susceptible<br />
to further destabilisation. Any<br />
kind of escalation has significant<br />
potential to jeopardise regional stability<br />
and the entire energy security<br />
concept.<br />
C. THE SOUTH CAUCASUS AND<br />
ITS SECURITY CHALLENGES<br />
The Caucasus enjoys a strategic location<br />
at the crossroads between<br />
Europe and Asia, between the <strong>Caspian</strong><br />
and Black Seas. Consequently, it<br />
attracts interest from different parts<br />
of the world, most notably from big<br />
players such as the US, EU, Turkey<br />
and Russia. The latter has by far the<br />
most significant impact on the post-<br />
Soviet countries. As outlined above,<br />
the region’s specific importance is<br />
increasing with Europe’s growing<br />
awareness of the importance of securing<br />
reliable, stable and diversified<br />
delivery of hydrocarbons on the<br />
one hand, and the Caucasus’ crucial<br />
role as a source and transit route<br />
in this process on the other. Russia,<br />
however, perceives any further political<br />
engagement by the West in<br />
its “near abroad” zone, 31 together<br />
with the attempts to locate alterna-<br />
29.<br />
http://www.bp.com/en_az/caspian/operationsprojects/pipelines/BTC.html<br />
30.<br />
MFA Georgia, http://www.mfa.gov.ge/index.phplang_id=ENG&sec_id=748<br />
31.<br />
A term that first emerged in Russian to describe Russia’s relations with the other former<br />
republics of the Soviet Union underlining Russia’s superiority and the existence of a an<br />
unequal relationship. See also http://www.pearsonhighered.com/assets/hip/us/hip_us_<br />
pearsonhighered/samplechapter/0205189938.pdf