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such as the 20<strong>08</strong> amendment to<br />
the Law of Subsoil, which stipulates<br />
that offshore projects are to be carried<br />
out by companies in which the<br />
Russian Federation is to hold an<br />
interest of at least 50%, with more<br />
than five years of industry experience.<br />
In addition, if Russia conducts<br />
further petroleum operations in the<br />
offshore blocs adjoining Crimea, it<br />
would face a technical and logistical<br />
challenge: transportation of crude<br />
oil and natural gas production to petroleum<br />
terminals or mains. In this<br />
respect, Russia will seek to develop<br />
an energy transport infrastructure<br />
over the Kerch Strait. Accordingly,<br />
control over Crimea is a major cost<br />
generator for Moscow.<br />
The most important question for<br />
countries in the region is a potential<br />
reconsideration of borders of their<br />
territorial seas, continental shelves<br />
and EEZs, with Russia having taken<br />
control of Crimea. Ukraine’s situation<br />
has dramatic consequence from<br />
multiple perspectives: economic,<br />
military, and energy. According to<br />
the UN Convention on Law of the Sea<br />
(UNCLOS) (to which both Russia and<br />
Ukraine are parties), a redefinition<br />
of territorial borders in the Black<br />
Sea and the Sea of Azov between<br />
Ukraine and Russia would place a<br />
virtual stranglehold on Ukraine’s access<br />
to the Black Sea.<br />
Ukraine would be left with a small<br />
area throughout the southeastern<br />
coast from the north point of Crimea<br />
up to the mouth of the Danube and<br />
a small part in the Sea of Azov, and<br />
no access to the Kerch Strait. 11 Obviously,<br />
the maritime borders, the<br />
continental shelf and the EEZ are<br />
elements that ought to be subject to<br />
negotiation and agreement by the<br />
riparian states, in compliance with<br />
FOLLOWING THE SECESSION AND ANNEXATION<br />
OF CRIMEA BY RUSSIA, ROMANIA HAS A DE FACTO<br />
SITUATION COMMON BORDER WITH THE RUSSIAN<br />
FEDERATION IN THE BLACK SEA.<br />
UNCLOS requirements. However, in<br />
this case, Ukraine would be forced<br />
to negotiate under the presence of<br />
the Russian Black Sea fleet (which<br />
will be felt even more strongly in<br />
the future) and in the context of a<br />
Russian-speaking population and<br />
dependence on Russian gas supply.<br />
In addition, Ukraine would not be<br />
able to gain access to the open sea<br />
other than through waters under<br />
the jurisdiction of Romania or Russia.<br />
Regarding access to the crossborder<br />
waters of the Sea of Azov,<br />
Russia holds full control through the<br />
Kerch Strait.<br />
Regardless of the validity of Russia’s<br />
claim over Crimea, a redefinition<br />
of borders in the Black Sea would<br />
only directly affect Ukraine, raising<br />
its security risks. For Bucharest, it<br />
is important to know whether the<br />
exercise of Russian sovereignty over<br />
Crimea could justify – under the<br />
treaties, the principles of international<br />
law and the UNCLOS – a reconsideration<br />
of the maritime borders<br />
between Russia and Romania,<br />
as an adjoining riparian state.<br />
4. IMPLICATIONS FOR ROMANIA<br />
Romania and Ukraine have concluded<br />
the Basic Treaty on good neighborliness<br />
and friendly cooperation,<br />
in force as of October 22, 1997. The<br />
Treaty binds bilateral relationships<br />
81<br />
CASPIAN REPORT, FALL <strong>2014</strong><br />
11.<br />
In the context of Moscow’s efforts to strengthen an onshore link between Crimea and the<br />
Russian mainland – a belt about 10 km wide along the coast of the Sea of Azov – the involvement<br />
from mid-May of iron workers in Mariupol in taking over control from the breakaway pro-Russian<br />
forces in the name of civil order and economic stability has been remarkable. In fact, it is obvious<br />
that Ukrainian oligarchs are further playing an active role, demonstrating a striking sense of<br />
opportunity.