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60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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98 development dialogue december 2008 – revisiting <strong>the</strong> heart of darkness<br />

tory of genocide. Their application to very diverse cases of mass death,<br />

where <strong>the</strong> intentions of <strong>the</strong> perpetrators vary considerably, and whose<br />

contexts, course and extent are so diff erent, means that <strong>the</strong> terms lose<br />

analytical precision and thus <strong>the</strong>ir usefulness for historical analysis. Not<br />

every mass death constitutes a case of genocide, let alone a ‘Holocaust.’<br />

The positions mentioned above – ei<strong>the</strong>r stressing or denying <strong>the</strong> singularity<br />

of <strong>the</strong> Holocaust – are refl ected in <strong>the</strong> scholarly debate within<br />

Holocaust and genocide studies about <strong>the</strong> appropriate defi nition of<br />

genocide. 7 Whereas Israel W. Charny defi nes genocide quite broadly<br />

as ‘<strong>the</strong> mass killing of substantial numbers of human beings, when not<br />

in <strong>the</strong> course of military forces against an avowed enemy, under conditions<br />

of <strong>the</strong> essential defenselessness and helplessness of <strong>the</strong> victims’<br />

(cited in Fein 1997: 17), Steven T. Katz wants <strong>the</strong> concept limited to<br />

<strong>the</strong> Nazi murder of <strong>the</strong> Jews, defi ning it as ‘<strong>the</strong> actualization of <strong>the</strong><br />

intent, however successfully carried out, to murder in its totality any<br />

national, ethnic, racial, religious, political, social, gender or economic<br />

group, as <strong>the</strong>se groups are defi ned by <strong>the</strong> perpetrator’ (1994: 131).<br />

Both defi nitions are largely useless for a universal-historical consideration<br />

because <strong>the</strong>y make sensible comparison diffi cult. A working<br />

defi nition is needed that nei<strong>the</strong>r excludes an event from historical<br />

consideration, nor diminishes <strong>the</strong> horror of <strong>the</strong> deliberate murder of<br />

entire peoples within a general history of mass killings.<br />

The United Nations <strong>Convention</strong> on Genocide still off ers <strong>the</strong> best and<br />

most widely accepted working basis. In 1948, it defi ned genocide as<br />

‘any of <strong>the</strong> following acts committed with <strong>the</strong> intent to destroy, in<br />

whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group, as such:<br />

a) Killing members of <strong>the</strong> group;<br />

b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of <strong>the</strong> group;<br />

c) Deliberately infl icting on <strong>the</strong> group conditions of life calculated to<br />

bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;<br />

d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within <strong>the</strong> group;<br />

e) Forcibly transferring children of <strong>the</strong> group to ano<strong>the</strong>r group’ 8<br />

Four <strong>years</strong> earlier, <strong>the</strong> originator of <strong>the</strong> term, Raphael Lemkin, defi<br />

ned it inter alia as a ‘coordinated plan of diff erent actions aiming at<br />

<strong>the</strong> destruction of essential foundations of <strong>the</strong> life of national groups,<br />

7 For a brief overview of <strong>the</strong> phases of genocide scholarship, see Chalk and Jonassohn<br />

(1998). See also Gessler (2000).<br />

8 Article 2, United Nations ‘<strong>Convention</strong> on <strong>the</strong> Prevention and Punishment of <strong>the</strong> Crime<br />

of Genocide’, 9 December 1948, reproduced in Chalk and Jonassohn 1990: 44–49.

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