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60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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lineages of racism in genocidal contexts 157<br />

Stalinism under <strong>the</strong> heading of totalitarianism. Early on in her work<br />

on <strong>the</strong> Totalitarianism book, it became clear to her that she could not<br />

pull it toge<strong>the</strong>r. In a letter to Karl Jaspers dated 19 November 1948,<br />

Arendt confi ded to her friend that <strong>the</strong> project had turned into three<br />

separate books (quoted in Tsao 2002: 580). The overarching connection<br />

that Arendt is credited with having established between ‘antisemitism’,<br />

‘imperialism’ and ‘totalitarianism’ remains elusive.<br />

In this article, I shall trace where Arendt’s book productively falls<br />

apart, and where and how we might fi nd conjunctures at which ‘elements’<br />

of totalitarianism coalesce to provide contingent hinge points<br />

that provide some criteria for comparative genocide studies.<br />

Arendt herself suggests such a reading, as she explains to historians pressurising<br />

her to defi ne her notion of ‘origins’: ‘The book…does not really<br />

deal with “origins” at all – as its title unfortunately claims – but gives<br />

a historical account of <strong>the</strong> elements which crystallized into totalitarianism;<br />

this account is followed by an analysis of <strong>the</strong> elemental structure<br />

of totalitarian movements and domination itself’ (Arendt [1953] 1994:<br />

402). Arendt’s analysis of totalitarianism is embedded in a philosophy<br />

of history that assumes a negative relation to both linear historiography<br />

and experience (as Erlebnis). The underlying <strong>the</strong>me tying <strong>the</strong> strands of<br />

<strong>the</strong> book to each o<strong>the</strong>r, and to her o<strong>the</strong>r writings, is that of <strong>the</strong> space of<br />

<strong>the</strong> political in its displacement, in <strong>the</strong> threat of its disappearance, and<br />

in its replacement by ideology. The threat of <strong>the</strong> disappearance of <strong>the</strong><br />

political is central in Arendt’s analysis of Totalitarianism and Imperialism.<br />

Within <strong>the</strong> parameters of nationally defi ned citizenship, and with<br />

a completely organised humanity, <strong>the</strong> loss of home and political status<br />

has meant <strong>the</strong> loss of human rights in absolute terms; such loss has<br />

‘become identical with expulsion from humanity altoge<strong>the</strong>r’ (Arendt<br />

[1951] 1976: 297). This has become <strong>the</strong> condition of millions of people<br />

in <strong>the</strong> dissolving European empires and nation states in <strong>the</strong> 20th century,<br />

and in <strong>the</strong> new global political situation, with weakening nation<br />

states and proliferating supranational ideologies. This condition threatens<br />

<strong>the</strong> lives of those thus reduced most directly; moreover, it threatens<br />

<strong>the</strong> very possibility of political life per se.<br />

I will focus here on a subset of ‘elements’ that provide ano<strong>the</strong>r level of<br />

consistency in <strong>the</strong> constellations running through <strong>the</strong> book, viz. <strong>the</strong><br />

conjunction and disjunction of lineages of race-thinking and racism<br />

that have come to play a pivotal role in one of <strong>the</strong> forms of politicide –<br />

genocidal ideologies and mass mobilisations. In tracing particular lineages<br />

of race-thinking and racism, I hope to show a connection, not<br />

only between <strong>the</strong> two parts of Arendt’s book that are mainly at issue

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