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60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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violence, legitimacy and dynamics of genocide – notions of mass violence examined 41<br />

In this way, <strong>the</strong> display of <strong>the</strong> means of violence not only underscores<br />

<strong>the</strong> legitimacy of such particular violence, but it also symbolically sanctions<br />

concrete violent actions. The sanctioning of violent acts happens of<br />

course through an array of legal instruments, such as laws, ordinances,<br />

administrative orders or police action allegedly taken in <strong>the</strong> face of imminent<br />

risk or danger. Lastly, state courts may rule that acts of violence<br />

by individuals, even if resulting in someone’s death, may have been legitimate<br />

because such action was taken in self-defence.<br />

While concrete actions of violence as well as whole fi elds of violent<br />

action are sanctioned by <strong>the</strong> state in this way, <strong>the</strong> state also defi nes<br />

what is to be understood by illegitimate violence. An important recent<br />

instance is domestic violence, which in many countries has been<br />

included in <strong>the</strong> realm of illegitimate violence and <strong>the</strong>refore ostracised,<br />

at least by being included in acts to be prosecuted under criminal<br />

law. This came about as a consequence of intense public debate.<br />

Characteristically, legal provisions were not suffi cient in every case to<br />

ensure adequate police action. In this way, <strong>the</strong> case of domestic violence<br />

shows not only <strong>the</strong> malleability even of offi cial and statutory<br />

notions of violence, which thus emerge as subject to public debate<br />

and political decision-making; it also reveals an intricate and always<br />

precarious interplay between state institutions and civil society actors<br />

who claim rights and in this case also sanctions against acts that<br />

are legally ostracised but whose designation as such is still <strong>the</strong> subject<br />

of public controversy; in <strong>the</strong> case of domestic violence, it also shows<br />

<strong>the</strong> resentment and recalcitrance that go back to patriarchal concepts<br />

and interests.<br />

In sum, <strong>the</strong> state legitimates and carries out a wide range of violent<br />

acts, even though precisely not any kind of violence. Such defi nition<br />

and sanctioning takes place above all through <strong>the</strong> legal system in <strong>the</strong><br />

modes just outlined, and in particular through <strong>the</strong> actions of its coercive<br />

apparatuses, <strong>the</strong> military and <strong>the</strong> police. Signifi cantly, violence<br />

legitimated and exerted by <strong>the</strong> state is rarely designated as such, making<br />

violence appear as non-state, illegitimate action. A critique of<br />

<strong>the</strong> law, in particular along <strong>the</strong> lines mapped out by Benjamin (1980),<br />

however, would expose this as, precisely, an ideological cloak hiding<br />

from view <strong>the</strong> pervasive and systematic violence, both implicit<br />

and explicit, upon which <strong>the</strong> very existence of <strong>the</strong> state is predicated.<br />

However, such an indictment should not obliterate <strong>the</strong> important<br />

distinction that exists between <strong>the</strong> domestic and <strong>the</strong> international. In<br />

particular, whereas <strong>the</strong> modern state is normally considered to be under<br />

an obligation to extend a certain protection towards its citizens,<br />

which also includes shielding <strong>the</strong>m from wanton acts of violence or

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