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60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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34 development dialogue december 2008 – revisiting <strong>the</strong> heart of darkness<br />

it is an ever-present, usually implicit, threat (cf. Benjamin 1980: 188).<br />

Violence <strong>the</strong>refore is a central concern of any discussion on ethics<br />

(ibid: 179).<br />

Power relations and dominance occupy a central place in <strong>the</strong> following<br />

considerations. However, it should be noted that violence is not<br />

inserted into such vertical frameworks in all cases. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, as noted<br />

by Foster, Haupt and de Beer (2005: <strong>60</strong>-2) one may usefully distinguish<br />

between four forms of ‘political violence’: ‘state-led’, administered<br />

and controlled by bureaucratic state organs; ‘state-supportive’,<br />

perpetrated ‘by oppressed people in support of <strong>the</strong> state’, as happened<br />

frequently in South Africa during <strong>the</strong> 1980s and early 1990s, for example<br />

by homeland security forces; ‘bidirectional’, ‘on behalf of <strong>the</strong><br />

oppressed people’, including specifi cally liberation organisations carrying<br />

on armed struggle; and ‘lateral or horizontal violence – between<br />

and among oppressed people’, frequently seen as spontaneous<br />

and often – erroneously – considered irrational, while more recent<br />

research has demonstrated defi nite patterns of group behaviour to<br />

be completely rational within a specifi c framework (Haupt and de<br />

Beer 2005: 80-2). With particular reference to pre-1994 South Africa,<br />

this adds up to a vista of ‘multi-directional or multi-sided violence’<br />

(ibid: <strong>60</strong>). This conceptualisation underscores <strong>the</strong> complexity inherent<br />

particularly, but certainly not exclusively, in <strong>the</strong> South African<br />

paradigm, as well as <strong>the</strong> ambiguity that almost inevitably goes with<br />

such complexity. Be it noted that none of this yet includes forms of<br />

violence dubbed, for some reason or o<strong>the</strong>r, non-political.<br />

Even though <strong>the</strong> interpersonal aspect is never quite absent from notions<br />

primarily concerned with violence in a widely understood fi eld<br />

of politics, <strong>the</strong>y may usefully be contrasted with concepts of violence<br />

focusing on interpersonal relationships. Thus, Jon Abbink describes<br />

‘inter-personal violence’ as having ‘four minimally defi ning elements:<br />

<strong>the</strong> “contested” use of damaging physical force against o<strong>the</strong>r humans, with<br />

possibly fatal consequences and with purposeful humiliation of o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

humans. Usually, <strong>the</strong> use of force – or its threat – is preemptive and<br />

aimed at gaining dominance over o<strong>the</strong>rs. This is eff ected by physically<br />

and symbolically “communicating” <strong>the</strong>se intentions and threats to<br />

o<strong>the</strong>rs’ (Abbink 2000: xi).<br />

Here, <strong>the</strong> feature of contestation points to an agonistic or competitive<br />

dimension of violence: It contains an element of struggle over goals<br />

or objects, as well as over superiority and precedence. Again, violence<br />

does not mean just any form of competition. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, violent behaviour<br />

would denote in <strong>the</strong> fi rst place such competitive action that is apt

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