60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
mass violence in zimbabwe 2005 – murambatsvina 231<br />
Trust 2006: 69). The <strong>UN</strong> <strong>the</strong>n went into appeasement mode, trying<br />
to negotiate <strong>the</strong> right to bring assistance. No move was taken by any<br />
government to initiate international legal mechanisms to punish or<br />
even censure <strong>the</strong> Zimbabwean government for gross violations of its<br />
commitments under international law.<br />
Disappointing, as usual, was <strong>the</strong> response of African governments. Instead<br />
of condemning <strong>the</strong> massive rights abuses, most kept quiet, while<br />
some even praised Zimbabwe for achieving slum clearance. Sadly,<br />
this approach has come to be expected from <strong>the</strong> governments of Zimbabwe’s<br />
neighbours, who appear secretly excited by <strong>the</strong> brazenness<br />
of <strong>the</strong> Zimbabwean government’s crimes. They abrogate <strong>the</strong>ir moral<br />
and legal obligations under international and regional human rights<br />
instruments, possibly because <strong>the</strong>y want to shelter <strong>the</strong>mselves from<br />
censure for <strong>the</strong>ir own crimes.<br />
Reports by <strong>UN</strong> envoys sometimes have a sobering eff ect on <strong>the</strong> perpetrators<br />
of injustice, but generally are not suffi cient to change behaviour.<br />
Western governments had already imposed targeted sanctions<br />
on <strong>the</strong> Zimbabwean government and ZANU-PF individuals and had<br />
discontinued most government-to-government aid programmes, so<br />
<strong>the</strong>re were few more actions open to <strong>the</strong>m which might have changed<br />
<strong>the</strong> situation. They were reduced to pleading to be allowed to provide<br />
aid to <strong>the</strong> victims. And even here <strong>the</strong>y faltered, in <strong>the</strong> face of government<br />
insistence that no aid was needed.<br />
The Zimbabwean government<br />
Two responses need to be noted: <strong>the</strong> government’s attempts to pass off<br />
<strong>the</strong> mass violence as urban renewal, and its consistent eff orts to prevent<br />
assistance reaching <strong>the</strong> displaced victims.<br />
Throughout, <strong>the</strong> government and all its members were defi ant in<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir determination to carry on with <strong>the</strong> destruction in spite of criticism.<br />
In response to <strong>the</strong> initial outcry, it produced all sorts of excuses,<br />
and <strong>the</strong>n quickly invented a plan to claim that it was building houses<br />
for <strong>the</strong> displaced people through a programme named Operation Garikayi/Hlalani<br />
Guhle (live well). Ironically, this contradicted directly<br />
<strong>the</strong> instruction for people to return to <strong>the</strong>ir rural homes.<br />
When Mrs Tibaijuka arrived in early July, <strong>the</strong> government was diligent<br />
in taking her to sites where signs of construction were hastily arranged.<br />
A pretence of building was displayed, with trillions of dollars<br />
being allegedly allocated, but no one was surprised when, more than<br />
a year later, very few houses had been constructed in urban centres