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60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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mass violence in zimbabwe 2005 – murambatsvina 231<br />

Trust 2006: 69). The <strong>UN</strong> <strong>the</strong>n went into appeasement mode, trying<br />

to negotiate <strong>the</strong> right to bring assistance. No move was taken by any<br />

government to initiate international legal mechanisms to punish or<br />

even censure <strong>the</strong> Zimbabwean government for gross violations of its<br />

commitments under international law.<br />

Disappointing, as usual, was <strong>the</strong> response of African governments. Instead<br />

of condemning <strong>the</strong> massive rights abuses, most kept quiet, while<br />

some even praised Zimbabwe for achieving slum clearance. Sadly,<br />

this approach has come to be expected from <strong>the</strong> governments of Zimbabwe’s<br />

neighbours, who appear secretly excited by <strong>the</strong> brazenness<br />

of <strong>the</strong> Zimbabwean government’s crimes. They abrogate <strong>the</strong>ir moral<br />

and legal obligations under international and regional human rights<br />

instruments, possibly because <strong>the</strong>y want to shelter <strong>the</strong>mselves from<br />

censure for <strong>the</strong>ir own crimes.<br />

Reports by <strong>UN</strong> envoys sometimes have a sobering eff ect on <strong>the</strong> perpetrators<br />

of injustice, but generally are not suffi cient to change behaviour.<br />

Western governments had already imposed targeted sanctions<br />

on <strong>the</strong> Zimbabwean government and ZANU-PF individuals and had<br />

discontinued most government-to-government aid programmes, so<br />

<strong>the</strong>re were few more actions open to <strong>the</strong>m which might have changed<br />

<strong>the</strong> situation. They were reduced to pleading to be allowed to provide<br />

aid to <strong>the</strong> victims. And even here <strong>the</strong>y faltered, in <strong>the</strong> face of government<br />

insistence that no aid was needed.<br />

The Zimbabwean government<br />

Two responses need to be noted: <strong>the</strong> government’s attempts to pass off<br />

<strong>the</strong> mass violence as urban renewal, and its consistent eff orts to prevent<br />

assistance reaching <strong>the</strong> displaced victims.<br />

Throughout, <strong>the</strong> government and all its members were defi ant in<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir determination to carry on with <strong>the</strong> destruction in spite of criticism.<br />

In response to <strong>the</strong> initial outcry, it produced all sorts of excuses,<br />

and <strong>the</strong>n quickly invented a plan to claim that it was building houses<br />

for <strong>the</strong> displaced people through a programme named Operation Garikayi/Hlalani<br />

Guhle (live well). Ironically, this contradicted directly<br />

<strong>the</strong> instruction for people to return to <strong>the</strong>ir rural homes.<br />

When Mrs Tibaijuka arrived in early July, <strong>the</strong> government was diligent<br />

in taking her to sites where signs of construction were hastily arranged.<br />

A pretence of building was displayed, with trillions of dollars<br />

being allegedly allocated, but no one was surprised when, more than<br />

a year later, very few houses had been constructed in urban centres

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