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60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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colonialism and genocide 77<br />

biography, fi nally, has been published recently (Cooper 2008). And<br />

indeed, this tribute to Raphael Lemkin is absolutely justifi ed and long<br />

overdue. Lemkin was a true pioneer of genocide studies since his activities<br />

were not limited to <strong>the</strong> struggle for an international law binding<br />

on all states and requiring <strong>the</strong>m to ban <strong>the</strong> persecution and extermination<br />

of ethnic, national or religious groups. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, Lemkin<br />

contributed extensively to <strong>the</strong> transfer of <strong>the</strong> originally legal concept<br />

of genocide to <strong>the</strong> social sciences. 5 Especially <strong>the</strong> cultural dimension<br />

of genocide was of great interest to him.<br />

Moreover, Lemkin dedicated a huge amount of his time and energy<br />

to <strong>the</strong> compilation of a global history of genocide (Docker 2008: 85-<br />

96). Only recently have historians realised <strong>the</strong> signifi cance of Lemkin’s<br />

historical scholarship (Schaller and Zimmerer 2008). Whereas<br />

Lemkin’s unpublished papers on <strong>the</strong> Armenian genocide and <strong>the</strong><br />

Holocaust have gained at least some scientifi c attention, his studies on<br />

colonialism and especially on European rule in Africa have been neglected<br />

(Jacobs 1992, Jacobs 2003, Schaller 2004c, Stone 2005), which<br />

is ra<strong>the</strong>r surprising given that Lemkin ascribed great signifi cance to<br />

colonialism when he articulated his concept of genocide in 1944.<br />

The importance of colonialism for Lemkin’s thinking is proven by<br />

<strong>the</strong> fact that several manuscripts on European colonialism in <strong>the</strong> various<br />

‘new worlds’ can be found in his unpublished papers. Some of<br />

<strong>the</strong>m are devoted to European rule in Africa.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> historiography of colonialism and among historians of Africa<br />

in particular, <strong>the</strong> question of whe<strong>the</strong>r mass violence like <strong>the</strong> brutal<br />

suppression of indigenous resistance through massacres, deportations,<br />

scorched earth policies and <strong>the</strong> internment of non-combatants and prisoners<br />

of war in concentration camps should be seen as genocide is discussed<br />

controversially. Whereas most serious historians agree that <strong>the</strong><br />

Herero and Nama fell victim to genocide in former ‘German Southwest-Africa’<br />

in 1904-08 dissent increases when it comes to <strong>the</strong> question<br />

of whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> situation coloniale as such – characterised by <strong>the</strong> destruction<br />

of indigenous institutions, forced labour and cultural suppression –<br />

is genocidal. Especially in <strong>the</strong> case of Belgian rule in Central Africa historians<br />

debate whe<strong>the</strong>r it is appropriate to speak of a ‘Congo Holocaust’<br />

(Nzongola-Ntalaja 2002: 20; Hochschild 1999: 2, 25). However, <strong>the</strong>se<br />

questions are not relevant to genocide scholars and historians alone. It<br />

is not least <strong>the</strong>ir political, legal and fi nancial dimensions that render<br />

<strong>the</strong>m so controversial and explosive. Since <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> Cold War,<br />

5 Unfortunately, Lemkin’s social-scientifi c studies of genocide have never been published<br />

and are still kept in several archives in <strong>the</strong> United States (Elder 2005).

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