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60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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26 development dialogue december 2008 – revisiting <strong>the</strong> heart of darkness<br />

Why has <strong>the</strong> political leadership in so many African former colonies<br />

been keener to follow in <strong>the</strong> footsteps of <strong>the</strong> colonial masters? The<br />

Belgian, German and Portuguese colonial regimes have often been<br />

described as <strong>the</strong> most brutal, but how does one assess, measure or<br />

compare <strong>the</strong> brutality of <strong>the</strong> Germans against <strong>the</strong> Hereros and <strong>the</strong><br />

Namas with that perpetrated by <strong>the</strong> British against <strong>the</strong> Kikuyu during<br />

<strong>the</strong> so-called Mau-Mau insurgency, and later with <strong>the</strong> Bokassa,<br />

Mobutu, Eyadema or Idi Amin regimes, just to mention a few.<br />

By <strong>the</strong> time <strong>the</strong> detailed story of what went on in <strong>the</strong> concentration<br />

camps in Kenya emerged, almost half a century had elapsed. For every<br />

story that does come to light how many o<strong>the</strong>rs will we not know<br />

about? For example, in <strong>the</strong> mid-19<strong>60</strong>s fi lm-makers from East Germany<br />

interviewed a former Nazi who had been recruited by Mobutu’s<br />

regime to participate in a cleansing exercise against individuals,<br />

ethnic groups and organisations considered ‘Lumumbists’. The fi lm’s<br />

title, A Laughing Man, refers to <strong>the</strong> fact that throughout <strong>the</strong> movie<br />

<strong>the</strong> interviewee seems to have a grin on his face. Asked at one point<br />

how many people he thought he had killed during his assignment<br />

he answered that he did not count and cannot remember because he<br />

had been told that <strong>the</strong> area in which <strong>the</strong>y were operating was a sort<br />

of free-fi re zone.<br />

Over <strong>the</strong> last few <strong>years</strong>, it has become common to hear about how<br />

many people have been killed in <strong>the</strong> DRC since 1998. Numbers vary<br />

between 3.5 million and 5 million. The research was done by <strong>the</strong> International<br />

Rescue Committee. Yet, to my knowledge, no organisation,<br />

anywhere, has ever off ered its expertise to help account for <strong>the</strong><br />

countless ‘disappeared’ during <strong>the</strong> Mobutu regime in Congo/Zaïre.<br />

A great deal is known about Lumumba and his assassination, but very<br />

little is known about <strong>the</strong> severe collective punishment infl icted on <strong>the</strong><br />

Congolese people who showed any sympathy with Lumumba’s ideas.<br />

No one really knows how long it went on. 19<br />

From 19<strong>60</strong> to 1990, just before <strong>the</strong> National Sovereign Conference<br />

(1991-92), an entire people was kept in <strong>the</strong> dark while mercenaries and<br />

Congolese were wiping out entire geographical areas of <strong>the</strong> country<br />

simply because <strong>the</strong>y had been known to have voted for Lumumba.<br />

Can <strong>the</strong>re be a more massive exercise of violence than when it is kept<br />

hidden? Larry Devlin, <strong>the</strong> CIA Chief of Station in <strong>the</strong> Congo from<br />

19 The late Zamenga Batukezanga once wrote a poem entitled ‘If <strong>the</strong> Congo River could<br />

speak’, alluding to <strong>the</strong> popularly known fact that political opponents were often<br />

‘bagged’ and disposed of from helicopters fl ying over <strong>the</strong> river.

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