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60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

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eport from <strong>the</strong> panel debate on ‘what is genocide?’ 295<br />

On <strong>the</strong> issue of contemporary armed confl ict and genocide, Obote<br />

Odora held that <strong>the</strong> Genocide <strong>Convention</strong> implies legal consequences<br />

regarding prevention and intervention. As many people die, one<br />

begins to wonder where civil war/internal armed confl ict end and<br />

genocide begins, he stated.<br />

Discussing restitution and prevention, Robert Ndaka claimed that <strong>the</strong><br />

Rwanda genocide was clearly preventable. The <strong>UN</strong> is hiding some<br />

crimes, such as those of America and China. But since <strong>the</strong> so-called<br />

superpowers are <strong>the</strong> owners of <strong>the</strong> legal framework, <strong>the</strong>y are apparently<br />

not accountable to anybody, he continued.<br />

Professor Ingrid Eide, Oslo, identifi ed three serious dilemmas: <strong>the</strong>re<br />

are increasing numbers of civilian deaths in confl ict, regardless of what<br />

<strong>the</strong> confl ict is called; freedom of expression is also used to incite violence<br />

– for example in <strong>the</strong> cultural industries violence is entertainment;<br />

and lastly, in our concern for our common humanity we must fi nd a<br />

balance between <strong>the</strong> need to look back back – dealing with past crimes,<br />

naming and shaming, and so on – and <strong>the</strong> need to move forward.<br />

The panel’s response to <strong>the</strong> fl oor included Apsel’s appeal that we need<br />

to move from rhetoric to reality, and come up with concrete type of<br />

proposal; Juma’s pointing to <strong>the</strong> need for better education in this fi eld,<br />

which he labelled ‘weapons of mass salvation’; and Jallow’s view that<br />

democratic processes sometimes throw up demagogues and o<strong>the</strong>rs<br />

who abuse <strong>the</strong>ir power, for example by planning and implementing<br />

genocide. Freedom of expression cannot become so absolute that it<br />

is used to incite violence. The African Charter on Human and Peoples’<br />

Rights is a good starting point, as it recognises rights with responsibilities,<br />

Jallow concluded. Discussing reconciliation, Sikazwe<br />

noted that even if one says that Africans can forgive, it should also be<br />

said that ‘we cannot forget’. Bendaña still believed that <strong>the</strong>re is a clear<br />

North-South divide in approaching <strong>the</strong> issue of genocide. The fi rst<br />

step towards universality in our action is to recognise that such a divide<br />

exists. There is an overestimation of <strong>the</strong> power of <strong>the</strong> North, at<br />

least in <strong>the</strong> North. Yet <strong>the</strong>re is also an underestimation of <strong>the</strong> power<br />

of <strong>the</strong> South by <strong>the</strong> South itself. ‘In <strong>the</strong> North we see a preoccupation<br />

with discourse,’ Bendana claimed. ‘Terms, notions, mechanisms, formulas<br />

which are policy- or project-oriented, are more than political.’<br />

But <strong>the</strong> North should recognise that many crises cannot be prevented,<br />

and that many confl icts should not be prevented. ‘Sometimes confl ict<br />

is necessary to promote progressive change,’ Bendana ended.

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