60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

More documents

Recommendations

Info

224 development dialogue december 2008 – revisiting the heart of darkness Anti-urban campaign Clearly the government was angry with the urban population for deserting ZANU-PF and shifting its loyalty to the opposition MDC. These people needed to be punished, they needed to be removed and scattered as the farmworker communities had been during the farm invasions. Murambatsvina can be described then as a programme of social engineering, not on the scale of Pol Pot’s Kampuchea, but similar in type. If the urban population becomes restive, return it to its rural origins, where it will be more controllable. Subsequent increases in the powers and privileges of traditional leaders demonstrate this general ability of ZANU-PF to exercise their control more eff ectively in rural communities. 11 Re-asserting control of the economy An informal economy creates collectively considerable wealth, which is diffi cult for government revenue collectors to tap or regulatory bodies to control. There is also no doubt that many informal traders, although a small minority, were engaging in illegal transactions, both in foreign exchange and in stolen goods. As the black market in both goods and currency ballooned, the government needed to regain control if infl ation was to be tamed and order restored. In the face of a shrinking economy, government revenues were drying up, and the government needed to control all commercial activity in order to tax it. Government usurping functions of local authorities There is some indication that central government was using the operation to assume control of patronage-prone functions of local government – the issuing of trading licences and allocation of housing stands or houses. This might give them the capacity to re-assert control in towns in spite of opposition-dominated local authorities. In the wake of Murambatsvina, this assumption has been vindicated as all the houses built under Garikayi (only a few thousand in total, and mainly of very poor quality with no water or sewerage) have been allocated by central government (Solidarity Peace Trust 2006: 26-36). Vendors must now be fi nger-printed and vetted by central government before being allowed to buy licences from local authorities. 11 Chiefs have recently gained greater judicial powers and their allowances and benefi ts have been substantially increased. These helped to buy their loyalty to ZANU-PF, to be demonstrated by denying civil rights and even the right to purchase food to members of the opposition in rural areas. Democratic space has been closed down even faster in rural areas than in towns.
mass violence in zimbabwe 2005 – murambatsvina 225 Internal ZANU-PF power struggle Some suggest that Murambatsvina could have been a side-show for the on-going power struggle within ZANU-PF. But if this is the case, it is not clear whose interests it promoted, and who were to be disadvantaged. Some of the razed settlements were sponsored by individual politicians, as were some of the black market foreign currency syndicates, and many war veterans and party members lost their homes and businesses in the operation. But the destruction was not selective and there does not seem to be any clear indication of which individuals and party factions benefi ted. An operation of this kind could not have been launched and sustained, however, without authority from the top and support from the upper levels of the security establishment, which in fact is probably where it originated. In this case it would be the faction of ZANU-PF most closely aligned to the military and Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) who would have benefi ted, but this is yet to be demonstrated. Pre-empting opposition resistance to ZANU-PF rule Murambatsvina began less than two months after the parliamentary election in March 2005, an election which was clearly deeply fl awed. The urban population was restive, facing a winter of increasing infl ation, food shortage and deteriorating quality of life. The government feared extra-parliamentary opposition and it is probable that the general motive was to take the initiative to disorganise any potential organised activity, by disorientating the opposition support base at the most fundamental level. Those struggling to fi nd shelter and food for their families would have little capacity for organised protest, let alone an uprising. The aim was to show Zimbabweans that ZANU-PF was in full control and not shy to use every weapon at their disposal. Retaining power ZANU-PF’s primary motivation for any policy decision has been to retain power. As it has become increasingly panicky in the face of failing policies, a collapsed economy and widespread unpopularity escalating to bitter hatred, it has become steadily more vicious. Political issues of control take priority, with the economic and social consequences either disregarded or totally misunderstood. Those members of the government who caution against the irrational are brushed aside, and the military, and proponents of brute force, come to the fore. Compliance is more important than popularity – elections can be stage-managed
Page 1 and 2:
no. 50 | december 2008 Revisiting t
Page 3 and 4:
Revisiting the heart of darkness -
Page 5 and 6:
Acknowledgements The larger part of
Page 7:
Dennis Brutus, born 1924 in then Rh
Page 10 and 11:
8 development dialogue december 200
Page 12 and 13:
Page 14 and 15:
Page 16 and 17:
Page 18 and 19:
Page 20 and 21:
Page 22 and 23:
Page 24 and 25:
Page 26 and 27:
Page 28 and 29:
Page 30 and 31:
Page 32 and 33:
Page 34 and 35:
Page 36 and 37:
Page 38 and 39:
Page 40 and 41:
Page 42 and 43:
Page 44 and 45:
Page 46 and 47:
Page 48 and 49:
Page 50 and 51:
Page 52 and 53:
Page 54 and 55:
Page 56 and 57:
Page 58 and 59:
Page 60 and 61:
Page 62 and 63:
Page 64 and 65:
Page 66 and 67:
Page 68 and 69:
Page 70 and 71:
Page 72 and 73:
Page 74 and 75:
Page 76 and 77:
Page 78 and 79:
Page 80 and 81:
Page 82 and 83:
Page 84 and 85:
Page 86 and 87:
Page 88 and 89:
Page 90 and 91:
Page 92 and 93:
Page 94 and 95:
Page 96 and 97:
Page 98 and 99:
Page 100 and 101:
Page 102 and 103:
Page 104 and 105:
Page 106 and 107:
Page 108 and 109:
Page 110 and 111:
Page 112 and 113:
Page 114 and 115:
Page 116 and 117:
Page 118 and 119:
Page 120 and 121:
Page 122 and 123:
Page 124 and 125:
Page 126 and 127:
Page 128 and 129:
Page 130 and 131:
Page 132 and 133:
Page 134 and 135:
Page 136 and 137:
Page 138 and 139:
Page 140 and 141:
Page 142 and 143:
Page 144 and 145:
Page 146 and 147:
Page 148 and 149:
Page 150 and 151:
Page 152 and 153:
Page 154 and 155:
Page 156 and 157:
Page 158 and 159:
Page 160 and 161:
Page 162 and 163:
Page 164 and 165:
Page 166 and 167:
Page 168 and 169:
Page 170 and 171:
Page 172 and 173:
Page 174 and 175:
Page 176 and 177: 174 development dialogue december 2
Page 262 and 263: In short, both the understanding of
Page 273 and 274: Behind most mass violence lurk econ
Page 275 and 276: ehind most mass violence lurk econo
Page 277 and 278:
ehind most mass violence lurk econo
Page 279 and 280:
ehind most mass violence lurk econo
Page 281 and 282:
Is there a south perspective on gen
Page 283 and 284:
is there a south perspective on gen
Page 285 and 286:
Page 287 and 288:
Page 289 and 290:
Page 291 and 292:
Page 293:
Page 296 and 297:
Page 299:
The Voksenåsen Statement Genocides
Page 302 and 303:
Page 304:
Page 308:
This Development Dialogue is publis
show all

60 years after the UN Convention - Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

Delete template?

Save as template?